
Class /L -i^-'fe 7 
Book.^-/ 



eOPyRlGHT DEPOSIT. 



^^ 



AMERICAN CRISIS BIOGRAPHIES 

Edited by 

Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Ph. D. 



Zbc Hmerican dviexe Bioerapbiee 

Edited by Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, Ph.D. With the 
counsel and advice, of Professor John B. McMaster, of 
the University cf Pennsylvania. 

Each x2mo, ciorJ., with frontispiece portrait. Price 
$1.25 net, by mai:, $i.37- 

These biographie;; will constitute a complete and comprehensi"e 
history of the preat Amfsrican sectional struggle in the form of readable 
and authoritalive bi< • iphy. The editor has enlisted the co-operation 
of many compete;'-* v ters, as will be noted from the list given below. 
An interesting f?u'.i )f the undertaking is that the series is to be im- 
partial, Southern writers having been assigned to Southern subjects and 
Northern writers to Northern subjects, but all will belong to the younger 
generation of writers, thus assuring freedom from any suspicion of war- 
time prejudice. The Civil War will not be treated as a rebellion, but as 
the great event in the history of our nation, which, after forty years, it 
is now clearly recognized to have been. 

Now ready : 
Abraham Lincoln. By Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer. 
Thomas H. Benton. By Joseph M, Rogers. 
David G. Farragut. By John R. Spears. 
William T. Sherman. By Edward Robins. 
Frederick Douglass. By Booker T. Washington. 
Judah P. Benjamin. By Pierce Butler. 
Robert E. Lee. By Philip Alexander Bruce. 
Jefferson Davis. By Prof. W. E. Dodd. 
Alexander H. Stephens. By Louis Pendleton. 
John C. Calhoun. By Gaillard Hunt. 
•' Stonewall" Jackson. By Henry Alexander White. 

In preparation : 
Daniel Webster. By Prof. C. H. Van Tyne. 
John Quincy Adams. By Brooks Adams. 
John Brown. By W. E. Burghardt Dubois. 
William Lloyd Garrison. By Lindsay Swift. 
Charles Sumner. By Prof, George H. Haynes. 
William H. Seward. By Edward Everett Hale, Jr. 
Stephen A. Douglas. By Prof. Henry Parker Willis. 
Thaddeus Stevens. By Prof. J. A. Woodburn. 
Andrew Johnson. By Prof. Walter L. Fleming. 
Henry Clay. By Thomas H. Clay. 
Ulysses S. Grant. By Prof. Franklin S. Edmonds. 
Edwin M. Stanton. By Edwin S. Corwin. 
Jay Cooke. By Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer. 



AMERICAN CRISIS BIOGRAPHIES 



Stonewall Jackson 



by 



HENRY ALEXANDER WHITE. A.M., Ph.D. 

Author of "A School History of the United States," 
" The Making of South Carolina," etc. 




PHILADELPHIA 

GEORGE W. JACOBS & COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 



^A-U 



n 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
Two Co Dies Received 

JAN 26 1909 

- Copyiiiifit Entry _ 

CLASS CV ^^C. No. 

COPY 8. 



Copyright, 1908, by 

George W. Jacobs & Company 

Published January ^ ^9^9. 






This volume is dedicated to 

My Wife 

Fanny Beverley Wellford White 



PREFACE 

The present biography of Stonewall Jackson is 
based upon an examination of original sources, as 
far as these are available. The accounts of Jack- 
son^s early life and of the development of his per- 
sonal character are drawn, for the most part, from 
Doctor Eobert L. Dabney's biography and from 
Jackson's Life and Letter s^ by Mrs. Jackson. The 
Official Records of the war, of course, constitute the 
main source of the account here given of Jackson's 
military operations. Colonel G. F. E. Henderson's 
Life is an admirable study of his military career ; 
Doctor Dabney's biography, however, must remain 
the chief source of our knowledge concerning the 
personality of the Confederate leader. 

Written accounts by eye-witnesses, and oral 
statements made to the writer by participants in 
Jackson's campaigns, have been of great service in 
the preparation of this volume. Some of these are 
mentioned in the partial list of sources given in the 
bibliography. 

Henry Alexander White. 

Columbia, S. C. 



CONTENTS 



Chronology .... 
I. Early Years .... 
II. At West Point 

III. The Mexican War 

IV. The Virginia Military Institute 
V. The Beginning of War 

VI. Commander of Volunteers at 

Harper's Ferry 
VII. The First Battle of Manassas 

(Bull Eun) 
VIII. The Eomney Campaign 
IX. The Battle of Kernstown . 
X. McDowell .... 
XI. Winchester .... 
XII. Cross Keys and Port Eepublic 

XIII. The March from the Valley to 

ElCHMOND .... 

XIV. The Seven Days : Gaines' Mill 
XV. The Seven Days: Frazier'sFarm 

AND Malvern Hill . 
XVI. Cedar Eun .... 
XVII. Groveton . - . . 
XVIII. The Second Manassas . 



XIX. The Capture of Harper's Ferry 273 



XX. Sharpsburg . 
XXI. Fredericksburg 



11 
15 
25 
34 

47 
63 

72 

82 
99 
113 
127 
144 
167 

196 

208 

223 
236 

247 
261 



283 
301 



10 



CONTENTS 



XXII. The Winter of 1862-1863 

XXIII. Chancellorsville 

XXIV. Death of Jackson . 
Bibliography 

Index .... 



319 
337 
355 
366 
369 



CHRONOLOGY 



1824— January 21st, born in the town of Clarksburg, Va. (now 
West Virginia), third child of Jonathan Jackson and his 
wife, Julia Neale. 

1827 — The father, Jonathan Jackson, dies. 

1831— The mother, Julia Neale Jackson, dies. The son, 
Thomas Jonathan, finds a home with his father's half- 
brother, Cummins Jackson, and attends a country school 
taught by Robert P. Ray. 

1841 — Appointed to the office of constable of the county. 

1842 — Secures an appointment to West Point and enters the 
Academy in July. 

1846 — June 30th, is graduated with his class and receives the 
brevet rank of second lieutenant of artillery. 

1847 — March 3d, is promoted to grade of second lieutenant. 

1847— March 9th, lands with Scott's army at Vera Cruz, Mex- 
ico. Afterward promoted to position of first lieutenant 
for gallant conduct at the siege of Vera Cruz (March 
22d-27th). 

1847— August 19th, takes part with his battery in battle of 
Contreras, and for gallantry is promoted to brevet rank 
of captain. For heroic conduct at Chapultepec (Septem- 
ber 13th) receives the brevet rank of major. 

1849— June, leaves City of Mexico with the rest of Scott's army 
and goes to Fort Hamilton on Long Island. 

1850— Transferred to a military station in Florida. 

1851— March, appointed Professor 'of Artillery Tactics and 
Natural Philosophy at the Virginia Military Institute. 

1853— August 4th, marries Eleanor Junkin, daughter of Doctor 
George Junkin, President of Washington College in Vir- 
ginia. In February, 1855, his wife and infant child die. 



12 CHRONOLOGY 

1857 — July 16th, marries Mary Auna Morrison, daughter of 
Doctor Kobert H, Morrison, President of Davidson Col- 
lege, North Carolina. 

1861 — April 21st, leaves his home in Lexington in response to 
the summons of the governor of Virginia and leads the 
cadets of the Military Institute to Richmond to take part 
in the vv^ar. 

1861 — April 27th, appointed colonel of Virginia Volunteers ; 
April 29th, arrives at Harper's Ferry and assumes com- 
mand ; June, assigned to command of First Brigade. 

1861 — July 2d, engages in skirmish at Falling Waters. 

1861 — July 3d, receives commission as brigadier-general of the 
Southern Confederacy. 

1861 — July 21st, leads the First Brigade in first battle at Man- 



1861 — October 7th, promoted to rank of major-general ; No- 
vember 4th, assigned to command of Shenandoah Valley. 

1862 — January 1st, marches from Winchester toward Romney ; 
after driving the enemy beyond the Potomac, returns, 
on January 24th, from Romney to Winchester; sends 
resignation to Richmond, January 31st. 

1862— March 23d, battle of Kernstown; May 8th, battle of Mc- 
Dovpell ; May 23d, capture of Front Royal ; May 25th, 
battle of Winchester; June 8th, battle of Cross Keys; 
June 9th, battle of Port Republic; June 17th, leaves 
Valley and marches tovrard Richmond. 

1862— June 27th, battle of Gaines' Mill ; June 30th, battle of 
White Oak Swamp; July 1st, battle of Malvern Hill. 

1862— August 9th, battle of Cedar Run. 

1862 — August 25th, begins march toward rear of Pope's army ; 
August 26th, captures Manassas Junction ; August 28th, 
battle of Groveton ; August 29ih, repulses Pope's army ; 
August 30th, drives Pope's army across Bull Run; Sep- 
tember 1st, battle of Chantilly. 

1862 — September 5th, crosses Potomac and enters Maryland ; 
September 10th, marches from Frederick, Md., toward 
Harper's Ferry; September 15th, captures Harper's 
Ferry; September 16th, arrives at Sharpsburg and begins 
to fight against McClellan ; September 17th, battle of 
Sharpsburg; September 20th, repulses enemy at Boteler's 
Ford. 



CHEONOLOGY 13 

1862 — September 20th-November 22d, encamps in Valley near 
Winchester ; October 11th, promoted to rank of lieuten- 
ant-general and placed in command of Second Corps; 
November 22d, marches from Valley toward Fredericks- 
burg; November 29th, arrives at Kappahannock River, 
near Fredericksburg ; December 13th, battle of Freder- 
icksburg; December 16th, enters winterquarters at Moss 
Neck on Rappahannock. 

1863— May 1st, leads Second Corps from Fredericksburg to 
Chancellors ville; May 2d, marches around Hooker's 
right flank, routs right wing of Federal army, and re- 
ceives severe wounds ; May 10th, dies at Guiney Station 
near Fredericksburg. 



STONEWALL JACKSON 



CHAPTEE I 

EARLY YEARS 



Thomas Jonathan Jackson was born in the 
town of Clarksburg, Virginia (now West Virginia), 
on January 21, 1824. In that same year, Andrew 
Jackson, who won the famous victory over the 
British army at New Orleans, was brought forward 
as a candidate for the presidency of the United 
States ; four years later (1828), he was elected to 
that high ofB.ce. Did the same blood run in the veins 
of these two great leaders, known as ''Old Hick- 
ory '' Jackson and ' ' Stonewall ' ' Jackson ? To this 
question a definite reply cannot be given. The 
most that can be said is that the ancestors of both 
men once lived in the same parish in the province 
of Ulster, in north Ireland. During the reign of King 
James I, and afterward, this province was filled 
with colonists, most of whom came from the Low- 
lands of Scotland. In all probability, therefore, 
the Jacksous were Scots who found a home in that 
large Protestant community in Ulster, each one of 
whose citizens called himself ScotoSibernus, that is, 
a Scot-of- Ireland. In our own time these Scots of 



16 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Ireland and their descendants are known as Scotch- 
Irish. 

About the year 1765, the father and mother of 
Andrew Jackson left the province of Ulster and 
sailed from the Irish port of Carrickfergus to seek 
a home in the Carolinas/ At an earlier date than 
this, however, John Jackson, great-grandfather 
of Stonewall Jackson, crossed the Atlantic. At 
what time he left the Ulster home of the Scotch 
Jacksons we do not know, but in 1748," John Jack- 
son boarded a vessel at an English port and sailed 
to the province of Maryland. There is on record 
a statement made by a grandson that this John 
Jackson was born in England.^ If this be true, it 
means, perhaps, that his father was the first mem- 
ber of the family to leave the Scotch community of 
Ulster and that he made his abode for a time in 
London. 

Upon the same ship that bore John Jackson 
westward across the Atlantic, in 1748, sailed a 
young Englishwoman, named Elizabeth Cummins, 
the daughter of a Loudon tradesman. She was tall 
and handsome and had received a good ed»ea<?iOi^ 
A year or* two after their arrival in Maryland, they' 
were united in fuarriage and at once sought a home 
on the south branch of the Potomac in. ;%tB} western iF 
part of Virginia. For ^^ brief penddtMey dwelt at § 
the place now called"j\Ioorefield, located in the 
present Hardy County. Then they moved their ^. 

^ Parton's Andrew JacTcmn. 

^ Letter written by Jiul^e John G. Jackson, and quoted in 
Dabney's Stonewall Jackson, p. 5. 
^ Idem. 



EARLY YEARS 17 

household goods a little farther westward and built 
a log cabin upon the site of the present town of 
Buckhannon, on the bank of the Buckhannon 
River. There John Jackson cut down the trees of 
the forest, i)lanted fields of corn and bought the 
title to large tracts of land. He brought up a 
family of five sons and three daughters. When the 
war of the American Revolution began in 1775, he 
shouldered his rifle and went into battle against the 
British, taking some of his sons with him. 

John Jackson's eldest son was George Jackson, 
who made his home at Clarksburg, in the present 
Harrison County. He was chosen by the people of 
the county to represent them in the Virginia legis- 
lature, which met in Richmond. He was sent by 
them, also, as a delegate to the Virginia Conven- 
tion of 1788, and as a member of that body,- he 
voted for the ratification of the Federal Constitu- 
tion. A few years later he was elected to Congress 
and there met Andrew Jackson, a delegate from the 
new state of Tennessee. These two members of the 
Jackson clan had much conversation with reference 
:to early family history, and upon their testimony is 
based our knowledge of the fact that the ancestors 
of both lines once dwelt in the same parish in Ulster, 
Ireland. ' 

George Jackson's eldest son, John G. Jackson, be- 
came a lawyer of distinction at Clarksburg. He 
was elected as his fjither's successor in Congress 
and won as his wife, Polly Payne, sister of Dolly 

^ Letter in the possession of the family of Thomas Jackson 
Arnold. See also Dabney's Jackson, p. 1. 



18 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Payne, who became the well-known Dolly Payne 
Madison, wife of President Madison/ John G. 
Jackson was appointed the first Federal judge in 
the western district of Virginia. One of his broth- 
ers, William L. Jackson, became lieutenant-gover- 
nor of Virginia, and then a judge of the state Su- 
preme Court. ' ' I am most anxious to see our family 
enjoying that high standard and influence which it 
possessed in days of yore." Thus wrote Major 
Thomas J. Jackson, just before the beginning of the 
war between the states, to his cousin, Judge William 
L. Jackson.' 

The second son of the emigrant, John Jackson, 
was given the name Edward. He was the grand- 
father of Stonewall Jackson. In early life, Edward 
Jackson made his home on the Monongahela Eiver, 
near the town of Weston, in the present Lewis 
County. He was marked by soundness of judg- 
ment and by great energy. As a surveyor, he ac- 
quired the title to extensive tracts of land and left a 
mountain farm to each of his numerous children. 
Edward Jackson's first wife, a member of a family 
named Hadden, bore him three sous and three 
daughters. The youngest of these sons was given 
the name Jonathan. He was a man of short stature, 
had clear, blue eyes, and was possessed of a genial 
and affectionate disposition. ^ Jonathan attended 
the Clarksburg Academy, where one of his fellow- 

^ See letter from Mrs. Madison to Judge JacksoD, quoted in 
Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson, by his wife, p. 6. 
^ Life and Letters, p. 6. 
^Dahnej'sJackso7i, p. 9. 



EAELY YEAES 19 

students was his cousin, Edward Jackson, son 
of George Jackson. Both of them were spoken, of 
as "noble and highly promising young men." ^ 
Jonathan afterward studied law in the office of 
his cousin, Judge John G. Jackson. He became a 
lawyer in Clarksburg and married Julian Beckwith 
Neale, daughter of a merchant of Parkersburg. She 
was of medium height and had brown hair, dark- 
gray eyes, and a handsome face.^ They began life 
together in a small brick cottage, which they built 
in Clarksburg, and there was born Thomas Jonathan 
Jackson, the subject of this present biography. 

That part of Virginia in which Clarksburg is 
located was settled almost entirely by Scots from 
North Ireland. Among these settlers the Jacksons 
held a position of great influence. Many of them, 
as stated above, were chosen to fill places of high 
dignity and public trust. Nearly all of them be- 
came landholders on a large scale. It is said that 
every Jackson owned a mill or factory of some sort. 
All of the members of the family, however, were not 
successful in business. Some wandered into the far 
West as explorers. Others sought homes in Ken- 
tucky, Ohio and other states of the Middle West and 
attained varying degrees of prosperity. Stonewall 
Jackson's father began life as the owner of large 
tracts -of land which he had inherited. He signed 
bonds as security for others and lost a great part of 
his estate. His genial and sociable disposition led 

^ Paper written by Dr. David Creel, quoted in Life of Stone- 
wall Jackson, by his wife, pp. 8-9. 
^Dr. Creel's statement. 



20 STOKEWALL JACKSON 

him to engage in games of cards for money. In 
this manner the rest of his property was swept away, 
and when he died in 1827, his widow and three chil- 
dren were left in poverty. The Masonic order 
gave her a small house and her kindred supported 
her. 

When Thomas, the second son, reached the age 
of six years, he was separated from his mother. 
The latter was married to a Captain Woodson, 
whose success in his chosen calling as a lawyer had 
not been great, and his means were so slender that 
it became necessary to send Thomas Jackson to live 
with one of his uncles. The j)arting of mother and 
child was a sore trial to both ; the tenderness and 
the tears were never forgotten by the son. About 
a year afterward, in 1831, he made a journey across 
the hills on horseback to stand with his brother and 
sister by the death-bed of their mother. She was an 
earnest Christian and her last hours were filled with 
peace. The prayers which she offered at that time 
in behalf of her children remained as a sweet influ- 
ence in the memory of Thomas Jonathan Jackson to 
the end of his life. Throughout his entire career 
he continued to speak of his mother as the embodi- 
ment of beauty, grace and tenderness. 

After the mother's death, the blue-eyed boy of 
seven found a home with his father's half-brother, 
who had inherited the family lands and was one of 
the largest slave-owners in that region. For a brief 
period, the elder brother and the sister of Thomas 
also lived with this uncle. During the winter 
months the children attended the small country 



EAELY YEAES 21 

school. In the summer the two boys helped with 
the farm- work and with the management of the flour 
and lumber-mills. When Thomas was about ten 
years of age he was persuaded by his brother, who 
was two years older, to leave the home given 
them by the uncle. The lads made their way 
down the Ohio Eiver to the Mississippi and spent 
the summer on a little island, cutting wood for pass- 
ing steamers. In the autumn they came back, their 
clothes ragged and their systems filled with malarial 
fever. The good uncle had not opposed the de- 
parture of the two adventurers and he gave them a 
kind greeting when they returned. Warren, the 
eider brother, then made his home with an aunt. 
A few years later, at the age of nineteen, he died 
from the effects of the fever which he caught on the 
lonely island in the Mississippi. The little sister 
went to live with her mother' s kindred. Thomas 
returned to his uncle's house and there he re- 
mained for several years in contentment. 

Thomas Jackson as a boy was slender and delicate 
in physique. But most of his days during this early 
period were spent in the open air, and he steadily 
grew stronger. He went to work with a will upon 
his uncle's plantation. The heavy task of dragging 
logs out of the forest to the sawmill was placed un- 
der his management ; with great skill and wisdom 
he directed the labors of the workmen to the best 
advantage. He was fond of sports and in every 
field-game among his young associates, he was al- 
ways the leader. In fox-hunting and horse-racing 
he took great delight. His uncle owned a four-mile 



22 STONEWALL JACKSON 

race-course and this bold young horseman often 
rode the leading horse around the track. It was 
frequently said by those who knew him that '4f 
a horse had any winning qualities whatever in 
him, young Jackson never failed to bring them 
out.'^'^ 

We are told, moreover, that he never, under any 
circumstances, failed to speak the truth. He was 
strictly honest and kept himself free from all that 
was impure and degrading. One who knew him 
well has spoken as follows about Jackson's charac- 
ter : '^ He was a youth of exemplary habits, of in- 
domitable will and of undoubted courage. He was 
not what is nowadays termed brilliant, but he was 
one of those untiring, matter-of-fact persons who 
would never give up an undertaking until he ac- 
complished his object. He learned slowly, but 
what he got into his head he never forgot. He was 
not quick to decide, except when excited, and then, 
when he made np his mind to do a thing, he did it 
on short notice and in quick time. Once, while on 
his way to school, an overgrown rustic behaved 
rudely to one of the schoolgirls. Jackson fired up 
and told him he must apologize at once or he would 
thrash him. The big fellow, supposing that he was 
more than a match for him, refused, whereupon 
Jackson pitched into him and gave him a severe 
pounding." ^ 

As Jackson grew to manhood, he became troubled 
with some obscure form of dyspepsia. It was sup- 



^Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 
^Idem, p. 27. 



EAELY YEAES 23 

posed that a life on horseback would restore his 
health, and in 1841, when he was about seventeen 
yeai's of age, his friends secured for him an appoint- 
ment as a constable of the county. In this office, as 
a sort of minor sheriff, it was his duty to execute 
the decrees of the county justices, to summon wit- 
nesses, to collect small debts and to serve the war- 
rants issued by the justices against those who were 
disturbing the peace of the community. During a 
period of about two years he discharged the respon- 
sibilities of his position with great energy and faith- 
fulness. He was punctual in meeting every en- 
gagement ; his accounts were kept with strict ac- 
curacy. He manifested in a high degree the quali- 
ties of firmness, patience and tact. Moreover, his 
physical strength was reestablished. But he was 
making little progress in the training of his mind 
and this fact disturbed him. He had a strong de- 
sire for self- improvement. He wished to show him- 
self worthy of those men of his own blood who had, 
for nearly a hundred years, dominated that part of 
the country in which he lived. To accomplish this, 
he knew that he must secure an education. Thus 
far, however, the door of opportunity had been 
closed against him. He had no father to help him ; 
he had been dependent upon an uncle who was kind 
enough but whose plans concerning his nephew's 
career were not of the highest character. His work 
as constable was not congenial and it was not bring- 
ing in sufficient profit to make him independent. 
Jackson's thirst for knowledge was growing more in- 
tense, but he had little means of satisfying that 



24 STONEWALL JACKSON 

thirst. Suddenly, however, in the summer of 1842, 
his chance came and he promptly embraced it. In 
that year he became a student in the military 
academy at West Point. 



CHAPTEE II 

AT WEST POINT 

The United States Military Academy, located at 
West Point, on the Hudson Eiver, in the state of 
New York, is maintained at the expense of the 
whole country. The school itself furnishes an edu- 
cation that is both solid and liberal and opens the 
way to a career in the army. The cadets of the 
academy are appointed by the Secretary of War upon 
the recommendation of members of Congress. Early 
in 1842 occurred a vacancy which was to be filled 
by a young man from the Congressional district in 
which Thomas Jackson was then living. 

The news of this vacancy was communicated to 
Jackson by a friendly blacksmith. ^' Here now is 
a chance for Tom Jackson, as he is so anxious for 
an education." ^ This was the message sent to the 
young man. The latter acted immediately. He 
spared no effort to attain his object. A letter was 
drawn up and addressed to Samuel Hays, the mem- 
ber of Congress from that district, asking him to 
urge . the appointment of Jackson to the vacant 
cadetship. Many of the influential men of the dis- 
trict signed the letter, for they knew the honorable 
character and the industry of young Jackson. When 
a fear was expressed by some that his education was 

'Dabuey's Lt/e, p. 36. 



26 STONEWALL JACKSON 

too imperfect to enable him to enter the academy as 
a stndent, he replied that he had the ai^i^lication 
necessary to succeed, that he hoped he had the ca- 
pacity and that he was determined to try. 

The reply of Mr. Hays was to the effect that he 
would do everything in his power to persuade the 
Secretary of War to appoint Jackson. When the 
letter was read, the young man set forth the same 
day for Washington. He packed a few clothes into 
a pair of saddle-bags, mounted a horse and, accom- 
panied by a servant who was to take the animal 
home, rode rapidly toward the town of Clarksburg. 
He expected to catch the stage coach that ran from 
Clarksburg to Washington. When he reached the 
town, the coach was gone. He put spurs to his 
horse, however, and overtook it at the next stop- 
ping-place. U]3on his arrival at Washington, Mr. 
Hays at once took him to see the Secretary of War. 
He explained to him the great disadvantages that 
had thus far held Jackson back in his efforts to se- 
cure an education. He laid emphasis upon the 
young man's courage and determination and asked 
the secretary to show him favor on account of these 
qualities. The secretary plied Jackson with ques- 
tions and he was so much jDleased with the direct- 
ness and manliness of his replies that he then and 
there gave him the appointment. "You have a 
good name,'' he remarked. ''Go to West Point, 
and the first man who insults you, knock him down 
and have it charged to my account ! " ^ 

Jackson declined the invitation of Mr. Hays to 

^ Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 32. 



AT WEST POINT 27 

.spend a few days at the congressman's home in 
AVashington. He was eager to enter upon his work 
at the academy. Climbing to the roof of the Capitol 
he contented himself with one look at the growing 
city and the Potomac Eiver and the hills of Vir- 
ginia beyond. Then he hurried away to take his 
place among the cadets who had already begun the 
studies of a new session. 

In July, 1842, Jackson was enrolled as a student 
at West Point. He was clad in Virginia homespun 
and all the rest of his clothing was carried in the 
pair of saddle-bags that he had brought with him 
from his native mountains. He had a small, firm 
mouth, a high forehead, well-cut features and a 
fresh, ruddy complexion. His frame was strong and 
angular, his feet and hands were large and his 
movements were marked by awkwardness. In 
manner he was shy and had little to say. When 
the other cadets saw the country youth enter the 
parade-ground, they supposed that he would furnish 
them fine sport as the victim of their practical jokes. 
Very quickly they learned their mistake. Jackson 
was so well endowed with courage, good temper and 
other native resources, that the mischievous cadets 
soon abandoned their attempts to persecute him. 

Jackson's lack of preparatory education was a 
serious matter. To acquire knowledge of a new 
subject was for him slow and difficult work. His 
rank as a student was at first among the most un- 
promising members of his class, and he had to put 
forth strenuous efforts to maintain his place even 
among them. But he was possessed of a most uu- 



28 STONEWALL JACKSON 

bonding determination to make progress in his 
studies. This determination was evidently stamped 
upon his manner, for one of his classmates, General 
Dabney H. Maury, has told us the following about 
him : A. P. Hill, George E. Pickett and Maury 
were standing with another cadet near the en- 
trance-gate when Jackson entered the academy. 
' ' The newcomer, ' ' says Maury, ' ' attracted the atten- 
tion of the group of cadets by his angular figure and 
his awkward gait. There was about him," he con- 
tinues, ' ' so sturdy an expression of purpose that I 
remarked, ' That fellow looks as if he had come to 
stay.' " ' 

We are told that, when called upon to recite, his 
struggles at the blackboard were often painful to 
witness. In the effort to solve a mathematical prob- 
lem he always covered his face and his clothing 
with chalk. The examinatious at the end of the 
first half-year's work were passed by him only with 
great difficulty. 

General Maury speaks further about those early 
months at the academy:— "We were studying 
algebra and analytical geometry that winter, and 
Jackson was very low in his class standiug. All 
lights were put out at 'taps,' aud just before the 
signal, he would pile up his grate with anthracite 
coal and lyiug prone before it on the floor, would 
work away at his lessons by the glare of the fire, 
which scorched his very brain, till a late hour of the 
night. This evident determiuation to succeed not 
only aided his own efforts directly but impressed 
^ Mauris Eecolleciions of a Virginian, p. 91. 



AT WEST POINT 29 

his instructors in his favor and he rose steadily j^ear 
by year, till we used to say, ' If we had to stay here 
another year, ' ' Old Jack ' ' would be at the head of 
the class.' ' If he could not master the j)ortiou of 
the text-book assigned for the day, he would not 
pass it over but continued to work at it till he un- 
derstood it. Thus it often hax)pened that when he 
was called out to repeat his task, he had to reply 
that he had not yet reached the lesson of the day, 
but was employed upon the previous one. There 
was then no alternative but to mark him as unpre- 
pared, a proceeding which did not in the least affect 
his resolution. ' ' 

The records of the academy show that Jackson 
made steady progress in his course as a student. 
At the end of the first period of twelve months, his 
general standing was fifty-one in a class of seventy- 
two. Persistent work brought him forward to the 
general grade of thirty at the close of the second 
year. This was a rank distinctly above middle 
grade. Further than this, he stood eighteenth in 
mathematics, but at the same time he was far be- 
hind in the study of French and in drawing. The 
end of the fourth year marked his advance to the 
general grade of seventeenth. In ethics, however, 
he stood almost at the head of his class. In the 
course of study devoted to artillery, he attained the 
grade of eleventh ; but, strange to say, in infantry 
tactics, he stood twenty-first. 

It is evident that during this preparatory period, 
Jackson's mind was sound and strong, but not quick, 

^Maury's Becollections of a Virginian, p. 91. 



30 STONEWALL JACKSON 

except, perhaps, iu mathematics, ethics and logic. 
He gained much in health and physical strength, and 
grew rapidly in height until he attained his full 
stature of six feet. His bearing as a soldier was 
erect, but there remained a certain awkwardness in 
his movements and he always had difficulty in the 
process of keeping step. Moreover, Jackson was 
never able to hold himself erect in the saddle, upon 
a rough cavalry horse, after the method prescribed 
by military rules. He was scrupulously neat in 
dress and person. Toward his comrades and in- 
structors he was always courteous. With one or two 
of his small circle of intimate friends he would en- 
gage in animated conversation. If he happened to 
enter a larger circle, however, his native shyness 
took possession, and Jackson became silent. His 
only recreation was walking. Almost every after- 
noon, with a single companion, he climbed the hills 
near West Point, pausing at times upon some 
elevated point to admire the beauty of the landscape 
or the majesty of the Hudson Eiver. 

The studious habits which Jackson acquired at 
West Point remained with him throughout his life. 
In his room he sat bolt upright at a table with the 
book open before him. Sometimes his eyes were 
fixed upon the wall in such manner as to show that 
he was not conscious of persons or things around 
him. '■'' No one I have ever known," says one of his 
classmates, ' ' could so perfectly withdraw his mind 
from surrounding objects or influences, and so 
thoroughly involve his whole being in the subject 
under consideration. His lessons were uppermost 



AT WEST POINT 31 

in his mind, and to tlioroughly understand them 
was always his determined effort. To make the 
author's knowledge his own was ever the point at 
which he aimed. This intense application of mind 
was naturally strengthened by constant exercise, 
and month by month, and year by year, his faculties 
of perception developed rapidly until he grasped 
with unerring quickness the inceptive points of all 
ethical and mathematical problems.'^ 

Although Jackson made progress in scholarship, 
his attainments were not such as to secure him an 
appointment to any of the offices that were usually 
filled by cadets. He, however, won the respect and 
good- will of all his comrades. They noticed the 
fact that, when his interest was aroused, his smile 
was singularly sweet and attractive. He was full of 
sympathy. If he found any comrade sick or bear- 
ing a great burden, he was ready to offer help with 
a tenderness that seemed like that of a woman. 
^' While there were many,'^ says Colonel P. T. 
Turnley, one of Jackson's classmates, ^^ who seemed 
to surpass him in intellect, in geniality, and in good 
fellowship, there was no one of our class who more ab- 
solutely possessed the respect and confidence of all ; 
and in the end ' Old Jack, ' as he was always called, 
with his desperate earnestness, his unflinching 
straightforwardness, and his high sense of honor, 
came to be regarded by his comrades with some- 
thing very like affection." ' 

General Maury states further that Jackson "went 
through the four years at West Point without hav- 

^ Henderson's Jackson, Vol. I, p. 20. 



32 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ing a hard word or unkind feeling from cadet or pro- 
fessor." 

Jackson^ s temper was kept under absolute 
control. We learn of only one outburst of wrath 
during the period of attendance at the academy. 
This occurred one day when his musket, always 
kept in beautiful order, was replaced by a soiled 
and unpolished gun. He reported the matter to his 
captain and described the special mark by which his 
musket was to be identified. It was found in the 
possession of another cadet, who denied that he had 
taken the gun. This falsehood aroused Jackson's 
indignation to the utmost pitch. He demanded that 
the offender should be tried by court-martial and 
driven from the academy. Only the earnest re- 
monstrances of his fellow cadets led him to waive 
his right of pressing the charge. 

During his years of study at West Point, Jackson 
drew up a series of maxims. Among them were the 
following : — 

^^ Say as little of yourself and friends as possible." 

^'It is not desirable to have a large number of 
intimate friends." 

^' Fix upon a high standard of action and char- 
acter." 

^^Eesolve to perform what you ought; perform 
without fail what you resolve." 

^'Sacrifice your life rather than your word." 

^^ Through life let your principal object be the 
discharge of duty. ' ' 

*' You can be what you resolve to be." * 
* Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 35-38. 



AT WEST POINT 33 

All of the sentiments embodied in his book of 
maxims reveal an independent spirit and a worthy 
ambition. Devotion to duty was the principal rule 
of young Jackson's life. Eeligion, as yet, held no 
important place in his thoughts. His heart was 
pure and he had a great passion for that which was 
true and honorable, but he was not a Christian. 

On June 30, 1846, when Jackson Avas little more 
than twenty -two years of age, he was graduated at 
West Point, and was given the brevet rank of second 
lieutenant of artillery. The young soldier was at 
once ordered to join his regiment, the First Artillery, 
in Mexico. 



CHAPTER III 

THE MEXICAN WAR 

The war between the United States and Mexico be- 
gan with the battles of Palo Alto and Eesaca de la 
Palma near the Eio Grande in May, 1846. General 
Zachary Taylor, commander of the American forces, 
won both of these fights. He then crossed the Eio 
Grande, captured the Mexican town of Matamoras, 
and overran a considerable portion of northern 
Mexico. 

When Jackson arrived at the theatre of war, his 
regiment of artillery was sent to Point Isabel at the 
mouth of the Eio Grande. His first work there was 
to place heavy guns in position behind the walls of 
the forts. The young lieutenant, however, was 
eager to go to the front. ' ' I envy you men who 
have been in battle. How I should like to be in 
one battle." ^ These were his words, spoken one 
afternoon on the beach at Point Isabel, to Lieuten- 
ant D. H. Hill, who had taken part under General 
Taylor in the early engagements of the war. His 
desire to enter a fight was soon gratified. 

Early in 1847, General Winfield Scott organized a 
naval and military expedition for the purpose of 
capturing Vera Cruz, the chief seaport of Mexico. 

^ Statement by D. H. Hill, quoted in Life of Jackson, by his 
wife, p. 54. 



THE MEXICAN WAR 35 

The principal part of the American land forces was 
assigned to General Scott. In February, 1847, 
General Taylor led his small army to the field of 
Buena Vista and won a great victory over the large 
Mexican army, led by General Santa Anna. The 
First Regiment of Artillery, however, sailed down the 
coast with Scott's expedition. On the morning of 
March 9, 1847, his ai-my of 13,000 men landed on the 
beach, about one mile south of Vera Cruz. Trenches 
were dug and the heavy guns were brought into 
position to batter down the walls that stood around 
the ancient Mexican town, defended by an army of 
4,000 men. On March 22d, the first shell was 
thrown from the American batteries into Vera Cruz. 
The roar of the heavy cannon went on continuously 
until the 27th, when the place was surrendered, to- 
gether with 400 cannon. This result was attained 
by the American artillery alone. The First Regi- 
ment was engaged throughout the siege. Jackson 
had been already appointed second lieutenant, and 
in the smoke and din of that fierce bombardment, he 
had his first experience in battle. The fire which 
the Mexican guns sent back in reply to our cannon 
was not seriously destructive. Many of their shells 
must have fallen near Jackson, however, for his cool 
bearing in the battle caught the eye of his superior 
officers. A few months afterward he was promoted 
to the brevet rank of first lieutenant '■ ' for gallant 
and meritorious conduct at the siege of Vera Cruz." ^ 
About the middle of April, 1847, General Scott 
began the advance toward the City of Mexico. The 

* Official Records of First Artillery, 



36 STONEWALL JACKSON 

road from Vera Cruz to that objective point was 
more than two hundred miles in length ; moreover, 
it led across steep mountains. When the head of 
the American column arrived at the mountain pass 
of Cerro Gordo, Scott found there a Mexican army 
of 13,000 men with forty-two cannon, ready to 
obstruct his advance. This force was under the 
command of Santa Anna himself, who had moved 
swiftly from the field of Buena Vista to meet Scott 
in the mountains near Vera Cruz. The Mexicans 
were drawn up in a strong position, with their right 
resting near a deep ravine and their left on the lofty 
hill of Cerro Gordo. The latter was crowned with 
batteries, and the entire Mexican front was strongly 
intrenched. 

General Scott's force at the foot of the pass 
amounted to about 8,500 men. He paused to make 
an examination of the enemy's position. Captain 
Eobert E. Lee, an officer of the engineer corps, 
discovered a way of advance, concealed from the 
view of the Mexicans, by which an attacking force 
might move around the end of their line and strike 
them in the flank and rear. Cannon were drawn 
up the steep hills within range of the hill of Cerro 
Gordo. The flank movement was made and at day- 
light on the morning of April 18th, the assaulting 
forces rushed against the enemy's defences. A 
bayonet charge carried the height of Cerro Gordo. 
At the same time, Santa Anna's right was assailed 
by a flank movement and rolled back upon his 
centre. The Mexicans fled, leaving all of their 
artillery upon the field, with 1,200 men killed and 



THE MEXICAN WAE 37 

wounded, and 3,000 men who were made prisoners 
by the Americans. 

We have no record with reference to Jackson's 
part in the fighting at Cerro Gordo. His regiment 
of artillery could not use heavy cannon and, there- 
fore, went into the engagement as infantry. The 
regimental flag was among the first to be seen 
waving over the enemy's defences. Captain John 
Bankhead Magruder, an ofScer of this regiment, 
captured from the Mexicans a battery of light field- 
guns. General Scott assigned the battery to him 
with the order that he select officers and gun- 
ners to assist him. Magruder was extremely hot- 
tempered and a stern disciplinarian. Moreover, he 
was full of daring courage, and the men of his 
battery must expect strenuous work in battle. The 
soldiers of the First Artillery were slow to place 
themselves under the orders of so energetic a leader. 
Jackson, however, eagerly desired an appointment 
as lieutenant in Magruder' s battery and he secured 
the position. ''I wanted to see active service," he 
said afterward, '' to be near the enemy in the fight ; 
and when I heard that John Magruder had got his 
battery, I bent all my energies to be with him, for 
I knew if any fighting was to be done, Magruder 
would be ' on hand.' " ^ 

Scott's army advanced to Puebla and awaited re- 
inforcements. Then, in August, 1847, with a force 
of about 11,500 men, he moved toward the City of 
Mexico. The army was organized in four divisions 
under the four major-generals, Worth, Twiggs, 
^ John Esten Cooke's StonetvaU Jackson^ p. 15. 



38 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Pillow, aud Pierce. Magruder's battery formed a 
part*of Pillow's division. Santa Anna, with 30,000 
Mexican soldiers, awaited the American attack. 

At Ayotla, near the northern shore of Lake 
Ohalco, Scott pitched his camp and began a recon- 
naissance. Captain Eobert E. Lee was the leader of 
the engineers in the work of examining the Mexican 
defences. It was found impracticable to attempt 
the capture of the city by advancing against its 
eastern side. Following Lee's advice, Scott de- 
cided to move along the southern shore of Lake 
Chalco as far as San Augustin. This town was 
located at the foot of the mountains, twelve miles 
south of the City of Mexico, and it now became the 
base of operations in the attack upon the capital. 

At San Antonio, a point upon the roadway be- 
tween San Augustin and the City of Mexico, strong 
fortifications and heavy cannon obstructed the Amer- 
ican advance. These defences must be turned. Cap- 
tain Lee, therefore, led the divisions of Worth and 
Pillow directly westward from San Augustin, across 
a rough and dangerous field of lava or volcanic 
rock, called the Pedrigal. Upon a ridge at its 
western edge and near the village of Contreras, a 
body of 6,000 Mexicans with twenty-two heavy 
guns awaited the advance of the two American 
divisions. On August 19, 1847, Magruder's bat- 
tery was pushed to the front and the light guns 
opened fire upon the Mexicans at the distance of 
1,000 yards. Jackson was in command of one sec- 
tion of the battery, consisting of three guns. The 
battle raged for three hours. Magruder ran for- 



THE MEXICAN WAR 39 

ward his own section of the battery on the American 
left. Jackson, who was ou the right, heard the 
roar of Magruder's guns and at once ''advanced in 
handsome style and kept up the fire with equal 
briskness and effect. His conduct was equally con- 
spicuous during the whole day," wrote Magruder, 
' ' and I cannot too highly commend him to the 
major-general's favorable consideration." ^ 

The American forces did not, however, drive the 
Mexicans from the ridge upon which they had made 
a stand. Their heavy artillery swept the ground in 
front with grape and canister. The American in- 
fantry could not advance, and the guns of Magruder 
and Jackson were not able, even with accurate and 
rapid firing, to silence the Mexican cannon. A 
portion of the American infantry made their way 
forward upon the right and seized the village of 
Contreras. Reinforcements came to the aid of the 
Mexicans and when night fell. Pillow withdrew 
Magruder' s battery from the advanced position 
which it had seized and held. 

Through the dense darkness and the rain of the 
following night, Captain Lee made a perilous jour- 
ney alone across the rocky Pedrigal to seek an 
interview with General Scott. He asked the lat- 
ter' s permission to make a night march, in order to 
strike the Mexican flank and rear at Contreras. 
When he had recrossed the rough field of lava, the 
troops began the movement. This was about three 
o'clock in the morning of August 20th. At dawn 
they fell upon the Mexicans in the front and rear 
^ Magruder's Official Report. 



40 STONEWALL JACKSON 

aijd drove them from their intrenchments. Thus 
was the field of Contreras won. The Americans 
captured the twenty -two guns and 800 prisoners. 
The Mexicans fell back to the village of Churu- 
busco, but Scott's entire army, again united, fol- 
lowed in hot pursuit. After a fierce fight the 
Mexicans were driven from this field, also, with 
heavy loss. Jackson had no part in winning this 
victory, for the reason that Magruder's battery was 
held in reserve. 

Scott now paused in his advance and proposed 
terms of peace. Santa Anna continued to strengthen 
his defences, however, and early in September he 
rejected Scott's olfer. The latter moved forward 
again and on the 8th of September, just at day- 
break, he attacked the strong position occupied by 
the Mexicans at Molino del Eey. The fighting was 
desperate on both sides. The Americans lost 800 
men in killed and wounded, but the enemy was 
driven from his defences. 

Upon the hill of Chapultepec, three miles in front 
of the City of Mexico, Santa Anna made his last 
stand. This hill, once the palace of Montezuma, 
had been transformed into a fortress. Heavy can- 
non were mounted to sweep the level plain that 
stretched around it in every direction. 

Scott brought up his large guns and opened fire 
upon the fortress of Chapultepec on September 12th. 
On the following morning, two American columns 
advanced to the assault. Pillow's division attacked 
the western face of the hill and Worth's division 
moved up on the soutlieastern side. Jackson had 



THE MEXICAN WAR 41 

taken no active part in the struggle at Molino 
del Eey except to throw a few shells at a distant 
column of cavalry. On the 13th, however, his sec- 
tion of Magruder's battery, in company with the 
Fourteenth Infantry, was ordered to advance along 
the road leading north of Chapultepec toward the 
city. The roadway was narrow and marshes stood 
on each side. Jackson continued to move forward 
his guns much farther than his sui)erior officers had 
expected him to go, until he was opposite the 
north center of the fortress. From the heights of 
Chapultepec immediately on his right, a fierce storm 
of iron hail was poured down upon his gunners. 
Jackson steadily advanced until he came within 
range of a Mexican field-gun, posted behind a 
breastwork, whose canister-shot was raking the 
road along which he was proceeding. The Four- 
teenth Infantry was checked and nearly all of Jack- 
son's horses were shot down. Moreover, a deep 
ditch, cut across the roadway, seemed to forbid 
further progress. With the aid of some of his men 
Jackson lifted one of his guns by hand across the 
opening. Then the courage of his men failed 
and those that remained unhurt took refuge in the 
ditch. Jackson himself walked calmly back and 
forth in the roadway, exposed to the fire of the 
Mexican cannon, and called out to his soldiers, 
"There is no danger. See! I am not hit!''^ 
General Worth saw the peril of Jackson's position 
and gave him orders to withdraw. He sent a mes- 

^ Letter from one of Jackson's fellow officers, quoted in Life 
of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 42-44. 



42 STONEWALL JACKSOK 

sagje in reply that it was more dangerous to retire 
than to hold his ground and that if fifty soldiers 
were sent him he would attempt the capture of the 
Mexican breastwork. Just at that moment Magru- 
der, whose horse had been shot, ran forward on foot 
and found Jackson at work. The latter had per- 
suaded one man, a sergeant, to come to his aid, and 
these two alone were loading and firing their gun 
with the utmost skill and rapidity. They were in 
the forefront of the fight on that part of the field. 
The roar of the heavy guns of Chapultepec was mak- 
ing the earth tremble and the peril of the battle 
against the enemy in their front was great. The 
joy of the fight itself added fierceness to Jackson's 
energy. He fought on in that place of loneliness 
and terror, filled with the one thought of driving 
the Mexicans from the field. When Magruder lifted 
another gun across the ditch, some of the men came 
out of their place of shelter. An advance was then 
made and the breastwork was captured. 

The columns of Pillow and Worth rushed up the 
steep sides of Chapultepec and seized the citadel on 
the summit. The defenders of the fortress fled 
along the narrow roadways toward the City of 
Mexico. Jackson had reached a position so far ad- 
vanced in the direction of the city on the northern 
side of the fortress, that he was ready to pour a hot 
fire into the rear of the retreating Mexicans. His 
ammunition wagons were brought forward and the 
guns attached to the wagons themselves were pushed 
along rapidly in pursuit. Jackson's round shot 
were soon crashing against the walls of the city it- 



THE MEXICAN WAR 43 

self. Scott hurried forward his whole army. On 
that same evening the flag of the Palmetto Regi- 
ment of South Carolina was raised above the city 
wall at the Belen Gate. The San Cosme Gate also 
was captured and the following morning, September 
14th, the City of Mexico was surrendered to the 
Americans. 

On account of his conduct at Contreras, Jackson 
was advanced to the brevet rank of captain. A lit- 
tle later, for the courage shown at Chapultepec, he 
was promoted to the brevet grade of major. None 
of his West Point comrades made such rapid prog- 
ress. In actual field service he had shown that he 
deserved to hold the position of leader of his class. 
He told a friend afterward that he always loved 
General Pillow because the latter had given him a 
chance to win distinction by separating his section 
of the battery from Captain Magruder's section at 
Chapultepec. He said further that the only anxiety 
of which he was conscious in any of these battles 
was the fear that he '^should not meet danger enough 
to make his conduct under it as conspicuous as he 
desired ; and that as the fire grew hotter he rejoiced 
in it as his coveted opportunity." He declared, 
moreover, that the danger of battle always had an 
exalting effect upon his spirit and that he was 
* ' conscious of a more perfect command of all his 
faculties and of their more clear and rapid action, 
when under fire, than at any other time." ^ 

Jackson's name was mentioned in General Scott's 
dispatches to Washington. While Scott was hold- 
* Dabney's Jackson, p. 62. 



44 STONEWALL JACKSON 

inff a levee in the City of Mexico, Jackson was pre- 
sented to him. The commander-in-chief assumed 
an air of great sternness and said, '^I don't know 
that I shall shake hands with Mr. Jackson." Of 
course, Jackson blushed and was much confused. 
Then Scott said, *^If you can forgive yourself for 
the way in which you slaughtered those poor Mex- 
icans with your guns, I am not sure that I can,'' 
and at once held out his hand. ^' No greater com- 
pliment could have been paid a young officer," says 
General Gibbon, ' ' and Jackson apparently did not 
know he had done anything remarkable till his 
general told him so." ^ General Pillow's report 
made special mention of Jackson's bravery and 
General Worth called attention to the ''noble cour- 
age ' ' of the ' ' gallant Jackson. ' ' Magruder' s report 
declared that ''if devotion, industry, talent and gal- 
lantry are the highest qualities of a soldier, then is 
he entitled to the distinction which their possession 
confers." 

After the capture of the City of Mexico, negotia- 
tions with the Mexican government were begun with 
a view to the reestablishment of peace. For a period 
of about nine months, therefore, Scott's army rested 
in camp. Many of the American officers took part 
in the social gaieties of the Mexican capital. 
Among these was Jackson. His quarters were 
within the old royal palace. He gained an intro- 
duction into some of the homes of the higher class 
and was delighted with the hospitality and the 

* Letter from General John Gibbon, quoted in Henderson's 
Jackson, Vol. I, p. 47. 



THE MEXICAN WAR 45 

t;ourtesy that were shown him. He worked hard to 
learn the Spanish language and after a few months 
he found that he could read it and speak it with a 
considerable degree of fluency. He overcame his 
native awkwardness to such an extent that he ac- 
quired the art of dancing. He confessed, moreover, 
in later years, that he came near losing his heart to 
some fair Mexican woman, one of the social leaders 
of the capital.^ 

These lighter interests of life did not hold a 
serious place in Jackson's mind and heart for 
any long period of time. Weightier matters 
began to disturb him. The earnest conversation of 
Colonel Frank Taylor of the First Artillery now 
aroused Jackson's spirit to a consideration of the 
question of a personal religious faith. He, there- 
fore, began to make a careful inquiry concerning 
the standards of belief and conduct advocated by 
the various religious denominations. 

In June, 1848, after peace had been made with 
Mexico, Jackson's battery was sent to Fort Hamil- 
ton, on Long Island, seven miles below New York 
City. There he spent two years in garrison life. 
Colonel Taylor was in command and he continued 
to take an active interest in Jackson's spiritual wel- 
fare. The latter decided that he would make a 
public profession of his Christian faith, but he 
was uncertain yet as to the denomination with 
which he preferred to unite. Since there was 
some doubt about his having received baptism as a 
child, he was baptized by an Episcopal clergyman 
> Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 46-47. 



46 STONEWALL JACKSON 

in the fort on April 27, 1849, and received com- 
munion in the Episcopal Church. He was not con- 
firmed, however, and was not, therefore, as yet, 
formally connected with any church. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE 

After serving two years as an officer of the gar- 
rison at Fort Hamilton, Jackson was ordered to Fort 
Meade near Tampa Bay, in Florida. He remained 
there only a few months, however, for in March, 
1851, he was appointed Professor of Artillery Tactics 
and Natural PJiilosophy at the Virginia Military 
Institute, and accepted the position. The appoint- 
ment was made through a suggestion offered to the 
authorities of the Institute by Major D. H. Hill, 
afterward the brother-in-law of Jackson. Hill had 
known and admired Jackson during their service to- 
gether in the Mexican War. 

Jackson did not wish to spend his time in a 
military post during a period of peace. He said 
that the officers of the army located in garrisons 
usually neglected self-improvement. As for him- 
self, he announced to a friend 'Hhat he knew war to 
be his true vocation, that his constant aim in life 
would ever be the career of the soldier, that he only 
accepted a scholastic occupation during peace, and 
that he was mainly induced to this by the military 
character of the school and by the opportunities 
which as professor of the art of the artillerist, he 
would enjoy of continuing his practical acquaint- 
ance with his chosen calling." ^ 

* Dabney's Jackson, p. 62. 



48 STONEWALL JACKSON 

The Virginia Military Institute was founded in 
18397 J^^st twelve years before Jackson became an 
instructor there. It was located at the town of 
Lexington in Eockbridge County, within the Valley 
of Virginia. Its castellated walls stood almost be- 
neath the shadow of the Blue Eidge. West Point 
was the model followed by those who established 
it. A large number of Southern youth entered 
its halls to receive instruction in the art of war. 
When the struggle between the North and the 
South began in 1861, this Institute sent her sons 
into the Confederate armies, a well- trained body of 
military leaders, and many of them rendered dis- 
tinguished service and were promoted to positions 
of great honor and authority. 

Major Jackson's duties at the Institute as Profes- 
sor of Artillery were not extensive. He was respon- 
sible for the drill of the cadets and gave some in- 
struction in the theory of gunnery. The subjects 
which engaged most of his attention were optics, 
mechanics and astronom3^ He went to work with 
a will, and made himself master of them. The 
brighter minds in his class followed him in the dif- 
ficult way of accurate scholarship. The dull and 
the careless, however, gained little help from his 
attempts to give instruction. He did not appreciate 
the difficulties in the path of most of the students. 
For this reason, chiefly, he was not skilful as a 
teacher. Usually he saw but one way of approach- 
ing a subject of study and that was the way by which 
he himself had approached it. He could rarely 
suggest any other. He could present questions in 



THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE 49 

only one form. The students, therefore, did not ap- 
preciate even his good qualities. They failed to 
understand him. 

Jackson first arrived at the Institute in July, 1851. 
For several weeks after that time he was in the 
North enjoying a vacation. When his active duties 
began in the autumn, he turned his attention to the 
churches in Lexington. The largest and most 
influential one in the town was the Presbyterian. 
The creed of that branch of the church he had 
never yet examined in the careful manner in which 
he had investigated the other denominational creeds. 
He sought out the Presbyterian pastor. Doctor 
William S. White, a man of wide sympathies and 
sound judgment. The faith and form of worship 
which they discussed together appealed to Jackson's 
mind and heart by their strength and simplicity. 
With the exception of one or two matters of detail, 
the Presbyterian creed gave immediate satisfaction 
to Jackson and he at once entered Doctor White's 
church through a profession of his Christian faith in 
November, 1851. 

In August, 1853, Major Jackson was united in 
marriage with Eleanor Junkin, daughter of Doctor 
George Junkin, President of Washington College. 
This school was also located in Lexington and in 
1848, Doctor Junkin, a Presbyterian minister, had 
come from Pennsylvania to preside over it. Jack- 
son's wife possessed that steadfast Christian faith 
which had come down to her from Scotch ancestors. 
A sister, Margaret Junkin, afterward well known as 
Mrs. Margaret J. Preston, the poet, accompanied 



50 STOKEWALL JACKSOK 

Maj«r Jackson and his wife during their wedding 
journey. While they were in Montreal, Mrs. Pres- 
ton tells us, they were surprised ' ' to find Jackson 
going out on Sundaj^ afternoon to witness the drill 
of a Highland regiment. ' ' When he was questioned 
about the propriety of this act, *' he defended him- 
self stoutly for having done so, giving as a reason 
the principle on which he had hitherto acted ; 
namely, that if anything was right and good in it- 
self, and circumstances were such that he could not 
avail himself of it any time but Sunday, it was not 
wrong for him to do so, inasmuch as it then be- 
came a matter of necessity." ^ In a very quiet, 
gentle manner, the young wife told Jackson that 
she thought his reasoning was not correct. He 
accepted the rebuke in good part, acknowledged 
that he might be wrong and said, '' When I get home 
I will go carefully over all this ground and decide 
the matter for myself." ' In spite of that ac- 
knowledgment, however, he spent the rest of that 
same Sunday afternoon in hilarious conversation 
with some old army friends whom he had met. 
He afterward investigated the teachings of the 
Bible about the observance of the Lord's day and 
then, says Mrs. Preston, he ^^aid down a law for him- 
self of the utmost severity from which he never after- 
ward swerved." ^ It thus appears that Jackson's 
wife, Eleanor Junkin, who had been trained in the 
strict ways of the Scotch Cal vinists, gradually led her 
husband to adopt her own rigid code of Sunday 

* Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 62. 

2 Idem, p. 63. ' j^g^^ p^ q^ 



THE VIEGINIA MILITAEY I:N^STITUTE 51 

observance. As his religious couvictious became 
more and more intense, he applied that code 
with even greater strictness than his wife was in 
the habit of doing. It was after this time that he 
formed the habit of never posting a letter on Sun- 
day, nor would he even read a letter on that day. 

During that same wedding journey he went to 
Quebec and sought out the monument erected in 
honor of General Wolfe. Jackson took off his hat 
and stood on tiptoe at the foot of the monument, says 
Mrs. Preston, his blue eyes flashing with a fiery 
light and his thin nostrils quivering with emotion. 
Then turning his face toward the setting sun and 
quoting Wolfe's words, "I die content," he said, 
^' To die as he did, who would not die content ! " ^ 
Jackson did not dream at that time, perhaps, that 
the measure of his own fame would one day far ex- 
ceed the measure of the renown of General Wolfe. 

During the brief married life of eighteen months, 
Jackson and his wife lived in Doctor Junkin's home 
as members of the latter' s family. The moulding in- 
fluence exerted by the young wife over Jackson was 
strong. Her childlike Christian faith called for 
daily imitation on his part. In February, 1855, 
his wife and infant child were suddenly taken from 
him. The blow seemed to him to be heavier than he 
could bear. His sorrow was so keen that all of the 
other members of the home circle gathered about 
him to give him comfort. The reserve and silence 
of his life were in a measure broken. '^ My tears 
have not ceased to flow, my lieart to bleed," he wrote 

^ Life and Letters of Blargaret .Tunkin Preston, pp. 79-80. 



62 STONEWALL JACKSON 

som^ time afterward. ^' But oue upward glance of 
the eye of faith gives a return that all is well and 
that ' I can do all things through Christ that strength- 
eneth me.' Are not His promises wide enough ? " 

After the death of his wife, Jackson continued to 
make his home with Doctor Junkin. His habits of 
study as observed by Margaret Junkin were peculiar. 
She tells us that he would arise in the midst of the 
most animated conversation, '' like the very slave of 
the clock, as soon as his hour had struck " ' and go 
to his study. He was in the habit of standing at 
an upright desk for hours, with a green silk shade 
over his eyes. Sometimes he would do this at 
night, having neither paper nor book before him, 
thinking over what he had read in the afternoon. 
The capacity to concentrate attention upon a subject 
thus became in him a great element of strength. 

Sometimes it was understood that his sister-in- 
law, whom he always called ''Sister Maggie,^' 
would come to his study at nine o'clock in the even- 
ing for an hour of conversation. " If I knocked be- 
fore the clock had struck," she writes, "I would 
find him standing before his shaded light, as silent 
and as dumb as the Sphinx. Not one moment be- 
fore the ninth stroke had died away would he fling 
aside his shade, wheel round his easy chair and give 
himself to such delightful nonchalance that one 
questioned whether this could be the same man that 
a moment before had seemed to have neither motion, 
sight nor hearing." Then he would tell amusiug 
stories about his own early life and about his ex- 
* Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 76. 



THE VIRGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE 53 

IDeriences in Mexico. His laughter, as he told the 
stories, was hearty and contagious. 

^'A fanatic, a visionary, an enthusiast, he was 
not in any such sense as was Cromwell," she de- 
clares. ' ' His fanaticism consisted in the intensity 
of his own religious convictions, which, contrary to 
the wont of all fanatics, he never thrust upon others. 
In all the intimacy of our close home-life, I do 
not recall that he ever volunteered any expression 
of what is called ^ religious experience.' " ^ 

The sweet intercourse of friendship was kept up 
between the soldier and the poetess as long as he 
lived. She was one among a very few people who 
predicted Jackson's great career. "I recall," she 
said, ''the incredulity with which my declaration, 
that Jackson was the very stuff out of which to 
make a shining hero, was received, before any 
sword was lifted in the contest." ' 

When Mrs. Preston heard of his death she wrote 
these words in her journal : " Never have I known 
a holier man. Never have I seen a human being as 
thoroughly governed by duty. He lived only to 
please God ; his daily life was a daily offering up of 
himself." ^ 

During the summer and fall of 1856, Jackson 
made a tour of Europe, passing through parts of 
Scotland, England, Germany, Switzerland and Italy. 
He visited the field of Waterloo and thus gained a 
clearer impression of the great struggle which had 

* Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, pp. 77-78, 
^Idem, p. 76. 
'' Idem, p. 165. 



54 STONEWALL JACKSON 

beerj^ the subject of his study for many years. The 
story of the wars of Napoleon formed a regular part 
of his reading. Jackson was never more animated 
in manner than when he was talking about the 
swiftness and the energy of Napoleon's movements. 
After his return from beyond the Atlantic, he wrote 
thus to a friend : ' ^ I would advise you never to 
name my European trip to me unless you are blest 
with a superabundance of patience, as its very men- 
tion is calculated to bring uj) with it an almost in- 
exhaustible assemblage of grand and beautiful asso- 
ciations. Passing over the works of the Creator, 
which are far the most imjiressive, it is difficult to 
conceive of the influences which even the works of 
His creatures exercise over the mind of one who 
lingers amidst their master productions. Well do 
I remember the influence of sculpture upon me dur- 
ing my short stay in Florence, and how there I be- 
gan to realize the sentiment of the Florentine : 
' Take from me my liberty, take what you will, but 
leave me my statuary, leave me these entrancing 
productions of art.' And similar to this is the in- 
fluence of painting." ^ 

On July 16, 1857, Major Jackson married Mary 
Anna Morrison, daughter of Doctor Eobert H. Mor- 
rison, a Presbyterian minister and President of 
Davidson College in North Carolina. Doctor Mor- 
rison was a graduate of the University of North 
Carolina in the same class (1818) as President 
James K. Polk. His wife was Mary Graham, 
daughter of General Joseph Graham and sister of 

^ Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 86. 



THE VIEGINIA MILITARY INSTITUTE 55 

Honorable William A. Graham who held in succes- 
sion the offices of Governor of North Carolina, 
United States Senator and Secretary of the Navy in 
the cabinet of President Fillmore. 

All of the children of Doctor Morrison contracted 
influential connections by marriage. His eldest 
daughter became the wife of General D. H. Hill ; 
another was married to General Rufus Barringer ; 
and another to Judge A. C. Avery of the North 
Carolina Supreme Court. 

In 1853 Mary Anna Morrison made a visit to the 
home of her uncle, Secretary Graham, in Wash- 
ington, and during a period of four months en- 
joyed all of the gaieties and social functions of the 
White House. In that same year she visited the 
home of D. H. Hill in Lexington and there met 
Major Jackson, just a short time before his marriage 
to Eleanor Junkin. President Morrison's daughter 
was a woman of the most winsome attractiveness 
and her character was stamped with the noble and 
lofty traits of her ancestors. 

During the year that followed his second mar- 
riage, Jackson bought a house in the town of Lex- 
ington and there, for the first time, established his 
own separate home. ''I shall never be content,'' 
he had written before this time, ^ ^ until I am at the 
head of an establishment in which my friends can 
feel at home in Lexington. I have taken the first 
important step by securing a wife capable of making 
a happy home, and the next thing is to give her an 
opportunity." ' 

^ Life of Jack son, by bis wife, p. 105. 



56 STONEWALL JACKSON 

The domestic affections were strong in Jackson. 
The furnishings of his home were simple but all 
were arranged in perfect order, with every door 
^^on golden hinges softly turning," as he himself 
expressed it. "There all that was best in his 
nature shone forth," writes his wife, ''shedding 
sweetness and light over his household." ^ The 
natural buoyancy and joyousness of his spirit were 
manifested in the privacy of his home, in striking 
contrast to the of&cial dignity which he seemed 
always to wear in public. There was never any 
sternness in his manner in the home. He was 
punctual and exact and strict in the discipline ex- 
ercised over his servants, but he was invariably 
gentle and kind. He never smoked and never tasted 
strong drink. His diet was of the most sparing 
kind because of his health. His voice was ever soft 
and mild and his eyes spoke the language of good- 
ness and benevolence. 

Jackson worked in his garden with his own hands. 
He bought a small farm of about twenty acres and 
there, with the help of two young negroes, he pro- 
duced good crops of corn and wheat. The first 
slave owned by Jackson was allowed to buy his 
freedom in the following manner : He worked for 
wages in a hotel and turned over his earnings to 
Major Jackson until the latter received a sum equal 
to the amount given for the servant. The next 
servant under Jackson^ s control was an aged woman 
who appealed to him to purchase her. After the 
war began this woman became an invalid, but Jack- 

1 Life, p. 108. 



THE VIEGimA MILITARY INSTITUTE 57 

son sent money from the field to pay for medical 
attendance and every physical comfort. She died a 
Christian, her last message being an exj)ression of 
gratitude for the kindness of her benefactor. Major 
Jackson's wife brought from North Carolina a fe- 
male servant and two young boys. These always 
worked with a will, for they loved their home and 
looked with affection upon the heads of the house- 
hold. A colored orphan girl completed the group 
of servants. This child was a burden and not a 
help, for Major Jackson spent many weary hours in 
the continued effort which he made to impart mental 
and moral training. 

Every morning about six o'clock Major Jackson 
arose and '' knelt in secret prayer," writes his wife j 
*Hhen he took a cold bath which was never omitted 
even in the coldest days of winter. This was fol- 
lowed by a brisk walk. Seven o'clock," she tells 
us, "was the hour for family prayers, which he 
required all his servants to attend promptly and reg- 
ularly. He never waited for any one, not even his 
wife." Then came breakfast. From eight until 
eleven o'clock he was engaged in teaching his classes 
in the Institute. From eleven until one each day 
he stood in front of his high desk in his study, with 
his books before him. The first book that occupied 
his attention during these working hours was the 
Bible. Books of history, also, were among his fa- 
vorites and some of these in his library were filled 
with pencil marks. One o'clock was the regular 
time for dinner. After that followed a brief period 
given up to conversation ; then the work in the 



68 STONEWALL JACKSON 

garc^en and on the farm. The late afternoon in the 
summer season was often devoted to a long walk or 
to a drive along the country lanes. His wife was his 
almost constant companion both in the house and in 
the open air. She frequently read aloud to him in 
the evening. When they were separated, even for 
a short period, his letters to her were filled with 
expressions of the most tender affection. A child 
was born in the new home, but she remained only a 
few weeks. ''Our little Mary Graham," as the 
father called her, for she bore the name of her 
grandmother, was suddenly taken away. '' A 
great, very great sorrow" thus fell upon him, writes 
his wife ; ' ' but, here, as always, religion subdued 
every murmur." * 

A few months after his marriage, she tells us, 
Jackson began to commit to memory the Shorter 
Catechism. This religious manual, usually learned 
in early life by the children of Presbyterian house- 
holds, had never been studied by him. Within a 
short time he was able to recite the whole of it to 
his wife '' with perfect accuracy from beginning to 
end." Then in December, 1857, he was elected 
a deacon in the Presbyterian church in Lexington. 
The work connected with this office he always per- 
formed with soldierly promptness and regularity. 
After persistent efforts, moreover, Jackson over- 
came his own native diffidence to such an extent 
that he acquired much fluency of speech in offering 
public prayers at the regular weekly church prayer- 
meetings. From the antumn of the year 1855 until 

' Life, pp. 109-110. 



THE VIKGIKIA MILITARY INSTITUTE 69 

the beginning of the war in 1861, Jackson conducted 
a Sunday-school for the negroes of Lexington and 
the surrounding country. Every Sunday afternoon 
he and his wife were in their places giving in- 
struction to the colored people. ' ' It was pleasant, ' • 
writes Mrs. Preston, * ^ to walk about the town with 
him and see the veneration with which the negroes 
saluted him, and his unfailing courtesy toward 
them. To the old gray -headed negro who bowed 
before him he would lift his cap as courteously as 
to his commander-in-chief." ^ So strong became 
his interest in the religious welfare of his pupils 
that he began to consider the advisability of his be- 
coming a minister of the gospel. 

As the head of a household and as an officer in 
the church, Jackson's observance of religious duties 
became more and more pronounced. His religion 
was now interwoven with every action of his life. 
Even the smallest duty was begun with the offering 
of a prayer for God's blessing upon his work. 
Jackson himself said that he had ' ' long cultivated 
the habit of connecting the most trivial and cus- 
tomary acts of life with a silent prayer." His daily 
guide was the Bible. For himself the precepts of 
that Book were interpreted in the most literal way. 
His reverence for the Lord's day has been referred 
to. His respect for truth was of the most scrupu- 
lous character. An unintentional misstatement of 
fact on his part gave him great uneasiness until it 
was corrected. ' ' Why, in the name of reason, do 
you walk a mile in the rain for a perfectly un- 
^ Life and Letters of Blargaret Junkin Preston, p. 82. 



60 STONEWALL JACKSON 

important thing 1" To this question he replied, 
' ' Simply because I have discovered that it was a 
misstatement, and I could not sleep comfortably 
unless I put it right." 

It must be remembered, however, that Jackson 
did not set himself up as a model. He did not 
thrust his convictions of duty upon other people. He 
knew his own weaknesses and he was, therefore, very 
tolerant. ''Ah ! that is not the way to be happy ; " 
this expression was about the most severe, perhaps, 
that Jackson ever used with reference to the con- 
duct of other members of his home circle. His 
humility was sincere ; he was absolutely free from 
cant. 

Jackson found great pleasure in visiting different 
parts of his own country during the summer vaca- 
tions. The surf-bathing at Cax)e May, the grandeur 
of Niagara Falls, the bracing climate of New Eng- 
land and New York, all of these brought him much 
enjoyment. His ideas concerning the different sec- 
tions of his country were broad and liberal. On 
December 2, 1859, he was present at the execution 
of John Brown, who had committed the crime of 
murder in his wild attempt to raise a negro insur- 
rection at Harper's Ferry. Jackson was a member 
of the military force that was placed on guard 
around the scaffold. ''I sent up the petition that 
he might be saved," he wrote about the con- 
demned man. "I hope that he was prepared to 
die, but I am doubtful." ' 

Jackson and his wife spent the chief part of the 
^ Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 131. 



THE VIEGIKIA MILITARY INSTITUTE 61 

summer of 1860 at Northampton, Mass. It was a 
period of great political excitement but ''he had 
no dispute," writes his wife, ''with those who 
differed from him." His manner was courteous 
toward all whom he chanced to meet. As we have 
seen, Jackson was a slaveholder. During that sum- 
mer in Massachusetts, however, he engaged in many 
friendly conversations with ardent Abolitionists who 
believed that the mere holding of slaves was a sin. 

Thus in quietness and peace Jackson spent his 
days at the Virginia Military Institute. Every 
hour was devoted to the performance of some duty. 
All of his powers were exerted to their utmost 
capability. . He was striving always to develop 
every faculty of mind and heart. No man knew 
it at the time, but Jackson was training himself 
every day for his work as a soldier. Ten years 
given to the close study of text-books wrought 
wonders in maturing his intellectual powers. He 
had such complete control over the operations of 
his own mind that he could direct his thoughts con- 
tinuously toward any subject until he had acquired 
a thorough understanding of it. No temijest of con- 
fusion could ever disturb the course of his thinking. 
" The power of his mind," says Dabney, "to endure 
its own tension, in the labors of reflection and voli- 
tion, was drilled like the strength of the athlete. 
His self-concentration became unsurpassed." 

Here, then, was the man of genius ready for his 
work. When Jackson^ s unrivaled intellectual fac- 
ulties turned themselves to the consideration of 
military movements, the man himself stood at once 



62 STONEWALL JACKSOK 

revealed as a great military strategist. The fore* 
sighf which he then manifested was marvelous. 
'' Nothing emerged," says Dabney, *^ which had not 
been considered before in his mind ; no possibility 
was overlooked ; he was never surprised." The 
hour when he should enter this field of war as a 
leader was now at hand. 



CHAPTEE V 

THE BEGINNING OF WAR 

JxVCKSON did not often take part in the discussion 
of political questions. His judgment and his sym- 
I)athies, however, were in full accord with the views 
that prevailed among the people of the South with 
reference to political and social affairs. He voted 
regularly for the candidates that were nominated 
for office by the Democratic party. He gave ready 
assent to the various political platforms announced 
from time to time by that party. He watched with 
interest and with rising anger the fierce attacks 
made against the people of the South by the Abo- 
litionists. 

During a period of about thirty years, from 
1831 until 1861, the Abolitionists maintained a hot 
fire of invective directed against the Southern 
people concerning the holding of Africans in servi- 
tude. They asserted again and again with increas- 
ing bitterness that the negroes were treated with 
great cruelty by their masters ; that the slaves them- 
selves were entirely capable of enjoying freedom ; 
and that liberty in full measure should, therefore, 
be at once bestowed upon them. To hold such 
people in servitude was a crime, they said. Each 
of these assertions, we know, was without founda- 



64 STONEWALL JACKSON 

tion. In our own day the truth may be clearly 
understood that the former system of slavery in 
the South was a beneficent training-school for the 
negroes. In that school, kindness was the almost 
universal rule of discipline. Cruel treatment of a 
slave was exceptional. We know, also, in our day, 
that the capability of the negro to enjoy freedom is 
not great. The entire theory of the Abolitionists 
was a wild and irrational theory, developed in utter 
ignorance of the facts involved. The only effect 
produced upon the people of the South by the 
intemperate advocacy of the views of the Abolition- 
ists was to arouse their indignation. 

Major Jackson's spirit was stirred by the injustice 
of that party in the North which was pouring out 
charges against the South. He found nothing but a 
burden of responsibility in the institution of slavery, 
and was heard to say that he would prefer to see 
the negroes free. Jackson was always a friend and 
benefactor to the colored man. He believed, how- 
ever, says his wife, ' ' that the Bible taught that 
slavery was sanctioned by the Creator Himself 
. . . for ends which it was not his business to 
determine." ^ When, therefore, in 1856, the vol- 
ume of invective poured upon the whole South was 
multiplied, Jackson's sense of justice and reason led 
him to say ' '■ that the South ought to take its stand 
upon the outer verge of its just rights and there 
resist aggression, if necessary, by the sword ; that 
while it should do nothing beyond the limits of 
strict righteousness to provoke bloodshed, yet any 

^ Life of Jackson, by his wife. 



THE BEGINNIKG OF WAR 65 

surrender of princii^le whatever to such, adversaries 
as ours, would be mischievous." ^ 

lu November, 1860, Abraham Lincoln was elected 
President by the members of the Eepublican party, 
who then constituted a majority of the voters in 
eighteen Northern states. The Republicans were 
hostile to the Southern system of slavery and they 
had nominated Lincoln because of his utterances 
directed against that system. He had gone so far 
as to say that the whole country must become ' ' all 
slave or all free," and he even suggested that there 
would be a struggle between the North and the 
South over tliis issue. 

Seven of the cotton-planting states of the South 
at once passed ordinances withdrawing themselves 
from the Union. Their i^urpose was to preserve 
peace. They did not wish war ; they did not ex- 
pect it. They said that eighteen of the states in the 
North had formed a combination among themselves 
upon the basis of hostility to the South. This meant 
that the South would no longer receive fair treat- 
ment within the Union. The election of Lincoln, 
they further maintained, also meant that the people 
of the North had already violated the terms of the 
agreement under which all of the states had entered 
the Federal Union. The only legal and peaceful 
remedy left to the South, they said, was to with- 
draw from the old compact and to form a new league 
among the states of the South. 

The border states, led by Virginia, tried to per- 
suade the Northern members of the Congress, then 
* Dabney's Jackson, p. 143. 



66 STONEWALL JACKSON 

in session in Washington, to adopt some measure 
that would indicate a recognition of the rights of 
the Southern people under the old Constitution. 
Crittenden of Kentucky proposed in the Senate a 
compromise between the North and the South. 
Virginia invited the other states to send delegates 
to a Peace Conference which met at Washington on 
February 4, 1861. This conference outlined a com- 
promise similar to that offered by Crittenden. Both 
of these were pressed upon the attention of the law- 
makers, and it now seems clear, in our day, that 
either one of these measures, if adopted by Con- 
gress, would have averted war at that time. Both 
plans were rejected through Lincoln's personal op- 
I)Osition to them. 

Major Jackson was anxious for the maintenance 
of peace. He held, however, that the responsibility 
for peace or war rested upon the administration at 
Washington. He believed in the right of the states 
to secede. During this period he signed his name 
to an '^ Appeal " that was sent out to the Christians 
of the country, urging them to pray and work for 
peace. In this paper it was proposed to ask '' the 
North . . . whether she would yield to us a 
generous and fair construction of our equal rights, 
and in the future punctually observe it, or whether 
she would force us to an unwilling but necessary 
self-defence outside the Union." ^ 

When the two moderate compromises were re- 
jected by the Eepublicans, and when it became 
more evident that Lincoln's administration intended 
* Johnson's Life of Robert L, Ddbney, p, 147. 



THE BEGINNING OF WAR 67 

to use force against the Southern commonwealths, 
Jackson said that if the Federal government at 
Washington ' ' should persist in the measures now 
threatened, there must be war. It is painful to dis- 
cover with what unconcern they speak of war and 
threaten it. They seem not to know what its hor- 
rors are. I liave had an opportunity of knowing- 
enough of the subject to make me fear war as the 
sum of all evils. Should the step be taken which 
is now threatened, we shall have no other alterna- 
tive ; we must fight. But do you not think that all 
the Christian people of the land could be induced 
to unite in a concert of prayer, to avert so great an 
evil ? It seems to me, that if they would unite thus 
in prayer, war might be prevented and peace pre- 
served." ^ 

At every opportunity Jackson thus spoke in be- 
half of peace and prayed for peace. With him it 
was a question whether Lincoln's administration 
would resort to coercion and thus drive the border 
states out of the Union. Jackson was not concerned 
about slavery. He would not have fought merely 
to maintain slavery. He was concerned, however, 
as to ui3holding the right of a minority to manage 
their own local affairs in accordance with the terms 
of the Constitution. Most of the white people in 
the South did not own any slaves, and did not, 
therefore, care much what became of the system. 
Practically the entire white population, however, 
was of one mind in the readiness to resist co- 
ercion as threatened by the Federal administration. 

Life of Jackson, bj' his wife, p. 141. 



68 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Ther^ was a sharp divisiou of opinion regarding 
the question whether Lincoln would use coer- 
cion. Some of the Virginians were convinced 
that he would make war against the South and 
they, therefore, wished to withdraw their state 
at once and unite v/ith the Southern Coufed- 
eracy, organized at Montgomery, Ala. The ma- 
jority of the Virginians, however, preferred to post- 
pone secession and await the develoj^ment of 
Lincoln's policy. In this condition of affairs, some 
citizens erected a United States flag in the main 
street of the town of Lexington. The cadets of the 
Military Institute hauled it down, ran the Virginia 
colors to the top of the flagstaff, and left some of 
their number to guard them. Next day it was re- 
ported at the Institute that the stars and stripes 
would be again flung to the breeze. The young 
men seized their rifles, secured ball cartridges and 
marched away to help their fellow students and 
to lower the flag which to them represented North- 
ern tyranny. The commandant met the cadets and 
I^ersuaded them to return to barracks in peace. 
There they called upon Major Jackson to deliver 
them an address. He responded at once. His frame 
was erect and his eyes were flashing. 

'' Soldiers, when they make speeches, should say 
but few words and speak them to the point," he said, 
''and I admire, young gentlemen, the spirit you 
have shown in rushing to the defence of your com- 
rades ; but I must commend you particularly for 
the readiness with which you listened to the 
counsel and obeyed the commands of your superior 



THE BEGINNII^G OF WAE 69 

officer. The time may come when your state will 
need your services ; and if that time does come, 
then draw your swords and throw away the scab- 
bards." 

When Lincoln was inaugurated, there was a 
strong sentiment in the North against war. ^ ' Let 
the Southern sisters depart in peace," said many in- 
fluential men in that section. The newspapers at 
once authoritatively announced that President 
Lincoln would give up to South Carolina the fort 
called Fort Sumter, that stood in Charleston harbor. 
William H. Seward, Secretary of State in Lincoln's 
cabinet, promised that the fort would be speedily 
evacuated. He continued to make such assurances 
as late as April 8, 1861. Meanwhile, four war-ves- 
sels and three other ships with soldiers, arms and 
supplies were sent by President Lincoln to reinforce 
the garrison in the fort. On April 8th, therefore, 
his messenger arrived in Charleston and made the 
statement that provisions would be thrown into 
Fort Sumter, by force, if necessary. The authori- 
ties of the Confederate government held that the 
sending of these vessels was a rupture of peaceful 
relations. President Davis issued orders from Mont- 
gomery, demanding the evacuation of the fort, but 
this demand was not heeded. On the morning of 
April 12th, Lincoln's war- ships arrived at the mouth 
of the harbor, near Fort Sumter. The Confederates 
opened fire and on the followiog day the fort sur- 
rendered. 

Then President Lincoln called for 75,000 volun- 
teers to suppress what he termed " combinations," 



70 STONEWALL JACKSON 

or riotous assemblages of men in South Carolina. 
This method of treating the Southern common- 
wealths angered the border states. They said that 
Lincoln had deceived them, and declared that he 
had given them good reason to believe that he 
would negotiate in a peaceable manner with the 
South. Instead of that, while negotiations were in 
progress, he suddenly sent war-ships to Charleston. 
The Confederates, as their answer to the challenge 
made by these war-vessels, fired upon Fort Sumter. 
Then Lincoln revealed his full purpose of war. 
Through the exercise of great skill he had drawn 
the first shot from the Confederates. Now he called 
for an army, in spite of the fact that the Constitu- 
tion bestowed upon Congress alone the authority to 
put an army in the field. 

Coercion to the very utmost was the policy 
which Lincoln thus announced. As against such a 
policy, the Southern people were practically of one 
mind. Coercion sustained by an army of 75,000 
soldiers meant war and they were not slow to meet 
it. The Virginia Convention at once on April 17th 
passed an ordinance revoking the state's ratifica- 
tion of the Federal Constitution. North Carolina, 
Arkansas and Tennessee did the same. These four 
border states joined the seven states that had 
previously seceded and a confederacy of eleven 
Southern commonwealths stood ready to resist inva- 
sion. 

A great wave of enthusiasm swept over the 
South. Young men and old men, everywhere 
throughout the Southern country, immediately of- 



THE BEGINNING OF WAE 71 

fered themselves as defenders of the rights of their 
people. Heart and soul, Major Jackson was in 
sympathy with his countrymen. He believed that 
the cause represented by the Southern Confederacy 
was a righteous one, and his confidence in the 
success of that cause, says his wife, '^ never wavered 
to the end of his life.'^ Not for a moment did Jack- 
son suppose that he was to fight in behalf of African 
slavery. The right of his countrymen to govern 
themselves, — this was the cause that called him into 
the field. ''If I know myself,'' he said, "all 
I am and all I have is at the service of my country." 
And yet, while others were excited, Jackson was 
undisturbed. ' ' Walking with God in prayer and 
holy obedience, he reposed upon His promises and 
providence with a calm and unflinching reliance be- 
yond any man I ever knew." These words were 
spoken about him by a friend who made a visit to 
Jackson in his own house a few days before Virginia 
called the latter into the field of war. ^ 

^ Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 142. 



CHAPTER YI 

COMMANDER OF VOLUNTEERS AT HARPER'S FERRY 

On Thursday, April 18, 1861, came the news 
that the ordinance of secession had been passed by 
the convention in Eichmond. A message arrived, 
also, from John Letcher, Governor of Virginia, in- 
forming the superintendent of the Institute that he 
would need the services of the advanced classes as 
drill-masters and that they must be ready to set 
forth on the journey to Eichmond, under the com- 
mand of Major Jackson, at an instant's notice. The 
latter then gave every available moment of his time 
to the work of i)reparation. 

At dawn on Sunday morning, April 21st, a mes- 
senger came to Jackson's home with the order that 
he should bring the cadets to Eichmond immedi- 
ately. He went at once to the Institute and made 
arrangements for their departure. Then he again 
sought his own home. There, in the presence of his 
wife only, he read the fifth chapter of Second 
Corinthians, beginning thus: ^'For we know that 
if our earthly house of this tabernacle be dissolved, 
we have a building of God, an house not made 
with hands, eternal in the heavens." He then knelt 
and with a voice almost choked by tears, prayed 
that ''if consistent with His will, God would still 



COMMANDER AT HARPER'S FERRY 73 

avert the threatening danger and grant us peace." ^ 
Soon afterward divine service was held at the head 
of the cadet battalion and then at one o'clock the 
young men began the march to Staunton. There 
they took train on the Virginia Central Railway for 
the Confederate capital. 

A large body of volunteer soldiers was assembled 
at that time in Richmond. They were full of en- 
thusiasm in behalf of their native commonwealth 
and were ready to give their lives in her defence. 
But they were greatly in need of military training 
and Major Jackson at once devoted himself to the 
work of drilling. About five days after his arrival 
in the city, however, his name was presented to the 
convention with the suggestion that a commission 
be given him as colonel of Virginia Volunteers and 
that he should be placed in command of Harper's 
Ferry. 

^' Who is this Major Jackson ? " somebody asked. 

^^He is one," was the reply, ^'who, if you order 
him to hold a post, will never leave it alive to be 
occupied by the enemy." ^ 

On Saturday, April 27th, the governor handed 
Jackson his commission and the latter proceeded at 
once to his place of duty. ^' An ever-kind Provi- 
dence," he wrote, ''. . . has given me the post 
which r prefer above all others." On the 29th of 
April, therefore. Colonel Jackson entered Harper's 
Ferry and assumed command of the small garrison. 
Recruits continued to arrive and within a few days 



Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 145. 
Dabney's Stonewall Jackson, p. 185, 



74 STONEWALL JACKSON 

the force under his control amounted to about 4, 500 
men and officers. Nearly all of them were Vir- 
ginians. They were poorly famished with arms 
and knew little about military discipline. The 
energy and enthusiasm of these citizen soldiers, 
however, supplied many deficiencies in equipment 
and training. 

The new commander did not win the full favor 
of his men when he first presented himself among 
them. They were accustomed to the bright uni- 
forms of the militia officers, but Jackson wore the 
plain blue suit, familiar to the cadets at the Insti- 
tute. He was not adorned with even the smallest 
particle of gold lace. His faded cadet cap was 
always tilted over his eyes. He was reserved in 
manner and used few words. He made journeys 
into the surrounding country upon a very quiet 
horse and it was soon noticed that he was not a 
graceful rider. Only one attendant went with him 
upon these visits to the outj)osts and the officers 
stationed in the various camps were told not to 
recognize Colonel Jackson when he passed. He 
held no public reviews, he gave his orders in the 
briefest possible form and he never communicated 
his j)lans to any one. Some of the members of the 
Maryland legislature came to Harper's Ferry to talk 
with Jackson about his intentions. He was very 
polite, but gave them no information of any sort. 
At length one of the delegates became bold enough 
to ask Jackson how many men he had in the gar- 
rison. '' I should be glad if Lincoln thought I had 
fifteen thousand," was the reply. 



COMMANDEK AT HAEPEE'S FEEEY 75 

Not even to his wife was Jackson willing to write 
news about military movements. He feared that 
the letters might be captured by the enemy. ' ' What 
do you want with military news ? " he wrote to her. 
"Don't you know that it is unmilitary and unlike 
an officer to write news respecting one's post ? You 
wouldn't wish your husband to do an unofficer-like 
thing, would you? " ^ 

Although Jackson's appearance did not impress 
the militiamen, his energy did. He kept the sol- 
diers engaged seven hours a day in drilling. He 
was very patient as an instructor. Whenever an 
officer wished to learn how to discharge his duties, 
Jackson would invite him to his tent and in the 
kindest manner teach him. In his administration 
of military affairs he was always courteous, fair and 
just. One or two attempts to resist his authority 
were promptly punished. The entire body was 
gradually brought under the control of regular dis- 
cipline. Equipment had to be i)rovided. Some of 
the men were set to work making ammunition carts 
for the artillery, by fastening rough wooden boxes 
upon the running gear of farm wagons. Another 
group was emj)loyed at the task of manufacturing 
musket cartridges. The gun-factory, left at Har- 
per's Ferry by the Federal authorities when they 
evacuated the place, was kept busy making new 
weapons out of old flint-lock rifles. 

Acting upon his own authority, Jackson fortified 
Loudoun Heights, near Harper's Ferry, and Mary- 
land Heights, an elevation which stands beyond the 
1 Life of Jackson, by his wife. 



76 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Potomac. He asked General Eobert E. Lee, then 
coinmandiDg all the Virginia forces, to send lieavy 
cannon for the defence of these high points. ''I 
would be more than gratified," he wrote, ^' could 
you spare the time for a short A^sit here, to give me 
the benefit of your wisdom and exi3erience in lajnng 
out the different works, especially those on the 
heights." This message was sent on May 7th, a 
little more than one week after Jackson's arrival. 
At the same time he asked for a force of 10,000 
men and then continued : "I am of the opinion 
that this i)lace should be defended with the spirit 
which actuated the defenders of Thermopylae, and, 
if left to myself, such is my determination. The 
fall of this place would, I fear, result in the loss of 
the northwestern part of the state [West Virginia], 
and who can estimate the moral power thus gained 
to the enemy and lost to ourselves "? " ^ Lee wrote 
in reply that the position ought to be held and 
sent a number of large cannon, to be mounted 
for the defence of Harper's Ferry. The force of 
men under Jackson's command was gradually in- 
creased to about 7,000 effective soldiers. All of 
them were filled with the same fierce spirit of resist- 
ance and were eager to meet their enemy. 

The enemy did not advance and Jackson had no 
opportunity, then, to lead his men into battle. By 
a skilful plan he managed to seize a large number 
of cars and locomotives on the Baltimore and Ohio 
Eailroad. He ran these to Winchester on the 
branch line ; from that point they were drawn by 
1 Official Records, Vol. II, p. 814. 



comma:n^dee at haeper's feery 77 

horses to the railway at Strasburg.^ Xo other ex- 
ploit, however, can be credited to him during his 
early sojourn at Harper's Ferry. On May 24, 1861, 
Geoeral Joseph E. Johnston was made commander 
of the post. Virginia had become a member of the 
Southern Confederacy and President Davis sent 
Johnston, as an officer of higher rank than Jackson, 
to take charge of a military district of such im- 
portance as the Valley of Virginia. Jackson waited 
to receive orders from General Lee himself and then 
yielded the position to Johnston. He did this with 
the ready obedience of a soldier. 

Early in June, Jackson was assigned to the com- 
mand of the First Brigade of Johnston's army' 
which was then called the Army of the Shenandoah. 
Jackson's brigade was made up of the Second Vir- 
ginia Regiment, Colonel J. H. Allen ; the Fourth 
Virginia, Colonel James F. Preston ; the Fifth Vir- 
ginia, Colonel Kenton Harper ; the Twenty-seventh 
Virginia, Lieutenant- Colonel John Echols ; and the 
Thirty-third Virginia, Colonel A. C. Cummings. 
The Rockbridge Battery, with four light field-guns, 
was attached to the brigade. The guns were com- 
manded by Doctor William N. Pendleton, rector of 
the Episcopal church in Lexiugton and a graduate 
of West Point. 

All of the men of this brigade were from the 
Shenandoah Valley and from the mountains that 
stand to the west of it. A large number of them 
were volunteers from that region which the Federal 
Congress afterward organized as the separate state 

1 Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Vol. I. 



78 STONEWALL JACKSON 

of West Virginia. For the most part, they were 
Scotch-Irish, with a few of English and German 
descent. A very small proportion belonged to the 
class of slaveholders. They were mountaineers and 
most of them cultivated their small farms with their 
own hands. Lawyers, teachers, physicians, minis- 
ters, and young college graduates were among them, 
all ready to defend their homes. In the ranks, side 
by side, stood gray-haired fathers and beardless 
schoolboys. Each was eager to meet in battle the 
men who were hastening from the North to invade 
the soil of Virginia. 

In the early part of June, General McClellan ad- 
vanced from the Ohio Eiver, with a large Federal 
force, into the northwestern part of Virginia. At 
the same time General Patterson led about 14,000 
Federal soldiers from Chambersburg, Pa., to Will- 
iamsport, on the upper Potomac. General Joseph 
E. Johnston then had a body of 10,000 Confederates 
at Harper's Ferry. He feared that Patterson would 
cross the Potomac and cut him off from Winchester 
and the upper Valley. On June 14th, therefore, 
Johnston destroyed the railroad bridge that spanned 
the Potomac at Harper's Ferry, removed the 
machinery from the gun -factory and burned the 
public buildings. The next day he led his army 
toward Winchester. Jackson was not asked to ex- 
press an opinion about the evacuation and, of course, 
he said nothing. '•'■ I hope the general will do some- 
thing soon," he wrote to his wife three days after 
the departure from Harper's Ferry. 

On June 20th, Jackson's brigade, under orders 



COMMANDER AT HAEPER'S FERRY 79 

from Johnston, advanced to Martinsburg and des- 
troyed the workshops of the Baltimore and Ohio 
Railroad, together with a number of locomotives 
and cars. Four locomotives were drawn by teams 
of horses to Winchester. On July 2d, Patterson 
crossed the river and Jackson led the Fifth Virginia 
to meet him. He had also one field-gun and a 
small body of horsemen, led by Lieutenant- Colonel 
J. E. B. Stuart. Jackson was ordered by Johnston 
merely to find out the strength of the enemy, and 
then to retire. The A^irginiaus, therefore, formed a 
line of battle in a strip of woodland near Falling 
Waters church, between Martinsburg and the Poto- 
mac. Patterson's skirmishers advanced, but the 
Confederates poured an unexpected fire into their 
ranks and they fell back. A part of Jackson's line 
was sent to occupy a house and barn. Two Federal 
cannon advanced and opened fire and the Confeder- 
ates were eager to rush forward and seize these guns. 
Jackson withdrew his men, however, for two entire 
Federal brigades were closing in upon his single 
Confederate regiment. Then the Federal cavalry 
came rushing down the highway, but one shot from 
the Confederate field-piece sent them rapidly to the 
rear. At the same time Stuart rode around the 
enemy's right flank and captured a whole company 
of Federal infantry. These were brought away as 
prisoners of war. The losses in killed and wounded 
on each side were small. Jackson obeyed Johnston's 
order and fell back to join the main body of the 
Confederate army. Patterson sent a report to Wash- 
ington that he had been engaged in battle against a 



80 STONEWALL JACKSON 

force of 3,500 men, about ten times the number of 
soldiers under Jackson. Johnston asked the au- 
thorities at Richmond to promote Jackson and on 
July 3d General Lee sent him a commission as 
brigadier-general. ^'My promotion was beyond 
what I anticipated," he wrote to his wife, "as I 
only expected it to be in the volunteer forces of the 
state. One of my greatest desires for advancement 
is the gratification it will give my darling, and [the 
opportunity] of serving my country more efficiently. 
I have had all that I ought to desire in the line of 
promotion. I should be very ungrateful if I were 
not contented, and exceedingly thankful to our kind 
heavenly Father." 

Johnston withdrew his forces to Winchester and 
the Federal army advanced as far as Martinsburg. 
Jackson and his soldiers were ready to attack them. 
" My officers and men behaved beautifully and were 
anxious for a battle. ' ' He wrote these words about 
their conduct at Falling Waters. On the other 
hand, the soldiers observed the coolness and skill of 
their leader while under fire and they admired and 
trusted him. They took delight in telling how 
Jackson conducted himself when a cannon-ball tore 
into splinters the tree beneath which he was writing 
a dispatch. Not a muscle of his body moved and 
he went on writing as if nothing had happened. * 
They became, therefore, the more eager to meet the 
entire Federal army. With this wish Jackson was 
in sympathy. *'I want my brigade," he said, ''to 
feel that it can itself whip Patterson's whole army 
^ Cooke's Jackson, p. 53. 



COMMANDER AT HARPER'S FERRY 81 

and I believe we can do it." The supply of am- 
munition among the Confederates was scanty and 
Johnston, therefore, stood on the defensive and 
awaited Patterson's advance. 



CHAPTEE VII 

THE FIBST BATTLE OF MANASSAS (BULL EUN) 

In the early days of July, 1861, three separate 
armies were invading Virginia. These armies made 
up a total force of about 85, 000 men. McClellan' s col- 
umn of 20,000 was advancing through the mountains 
of western Virginia toward Staunton. On July 11th, 
McClellan defeated Garnett's small Confederate de- 
tachment at Eich Mountain, not far from Jackson's 
birthplace. At the same time General McDowell's 
Federal army of 50,000 men was moving slowly 
southward from the city of Washington toward 
Manassas Junction in Virginia. At the latter point, 
General Beauregard's force of 22,000 Confederate 
soldiers was awaiting the Federal attack. On 
July 17th, McDowell's men drove in Beauregard's 
advanced pickets. Early the next morning, Mc- 
Dowell sent forward a brigade from Centerville 
toward Manassas. Beauregard ordered a Confeder- 
ate brigade (Longstreet's) to meet the Federal ad- 
vance at Bull Eun, a small stream that flows between 
Manassas and Centerville. The Confederates took 
their places in line of battle in the midst of the thick 
woods on the southern bank, opposite Blackburn's 
Ford. When the Federal brigade reached the 
northern bank and started to cross the narrow 
stream, heavy volleys of musketry were suddenly 



THE FIEST BATTLE OP MANASSAS 83 

poured into their ranks by Longstreet's concealed 
soldiers. McDowell's men retreated in some con- 
fusion to the main body at Centerville j one of the 
Federal regiments and a battery, whose time of en- 
listment had expired, marched off homeward. 
McDowell's confidence in his own troops was some- 
what shaken and he lingered at Centerville two 
days longer, making new plans. 

At an early hour on the morning of July 18th, 
General Johnston at Winchester received a telegram 
from President Davis, ordering him to march to the 
assistance of Beauregard. Patterson had moved his 
army from Martinsburg to Charlestown and was 
now making a great show of strength. He was 
under orders to hold Johnston in the Yalley. The 
latter, however, directed Stuart and his cavalry to 
hold the attention of the Federal army, left about 
1,700 sick soldiers in Winchester, and set forth upon 
the journey of about sixty miles to Manassas. Gen- 
eral Jackson's brigade struck their tents, rolled them 
up and leaving them on the ground, marched away 
at the head of the Confederate column. The men 
seemed downcast in spirit, for they supposed that 
they were retreating from the enemy. An hour and 
a half after starting, the soldiers were halted and the 
following order was read to them : ' ' Our gallant 
army under General Beauregard is now attacked by 
overwhelming numbers. The commanding general 
hopes that his troops will step out like men and 
make a forced march to save the country." 

This stirring appeal had an immediate effect. 
^^ The soldiers rent the air with shouts of joy," says 



84 sto:n^ewall jacksok 

Jackson, ^'and all was eagerness and animation 
where before there had been only lagging and unin- 
terested obedience." ^ Onward they moved with a 
more eager step across the Valley toward the Blue 
Eidge. Just as darkness came, they reached the 
Shenandoah Eiver and found that the water was 
waist-deep and that the current was strong. The 
men plunged in, however, and waded across. Soon 
they were ascending the Blue Eidge at Ashby's 
Gap and two hours past midnight the brigade was 
halted near the village of Paris on the eastern slope 
of the mountain. The journey thus far had been 
more than twenty miles. The men stretched them- 
selves on the ground and were soon asleep. An 
officer mentioned to Jackson the fact that no pickets 
had been posted. '' Let the poor fellows sleep," 
said the general ; ''I will guard the camp myself." ' 
Around the bivouac he paced alone, until an hour 
before daybreak when a member of his staff insisted 
on taking his place as sentinel. Jackson threw 
himself upon a bed of leaves and snatched a little 
sleep. At dawn he aroused his men and led them 
to Piedmont, a station at the foot of the Blue Eidge, 
where railway trains were waiting. At four o' clock 
that same afternoon Jackson and his brigade ar- 
rived at Manassas Junction. Stuart' s cavalry moved 
quietly away from Patterson's front without the lat- 
ter' s knowledge and marched rapidly through Ash- 
by' s Gap. The artillery and wagons moved, also, 
upon the roadway. The remainder of the infantry 

^ Life of Jackson, by Ijis wife, p. 175. 
^ Idem, p. 175. 



THE FIEST BATTLE OF MANASSAS 85 

expected to make the journey from Piedmont by- 
train, but the railway was not equal to the task. 

On the morning of July 21st only three of Johns- 
ton' s brigades, those led by Jackson, Bee and 
Bartow, with the artillery and horsemen, were in 
position near Manassas. Kir by Smith's brigade of 
1, 900 men, was delayed on the railway. 

That morning found Johnston and Beauregard, 
with about 29,000 men, posted along the southern 
bank of Bull Eun for a distance of six miles. The 
chief part of their force was massed on their right, 
in front of Manassas Junction, near the point where 
the railway crosses the stream. Beauregard's own 
brigades were in front; Johnston's men from the 
Valley, the brigades of Bee, Bartow and Jackson, 
were held back in reserve, about a mile away. 
Far up the stream at the Stone Bridge, Evans's 
brigade formed the extreme left of the Confed- 
erate line. Near Evans were Cocke's brigade and 
Hampton's Legion, while Stuart's cavalry was in the 
center. The plan of the Confederate leaders was 
to march their right wing across the lower fords of 
Bull Eun and advance directly against the Federal 
position at Centerville. Before this plan could be 
carried into execution, however, the Confederates 
found that they must stand on the defensive against 
the advance of McDowell's forces. 

The Federal army at Centerville was about 35, 700 
strong. McDowell' s failure to force a passage across 
Bull Eun at Blackburn's Ford on July 18th led 
liim to abandon the idea of making a direct attack 
against the Confederates. He, therefore, sent a 



86 STONEWALL JACKSON 

body of 30, 000 men to move around the Confederate 
left. Tyltjr's Federal division marched along the 
Warrenton Turnpike, and a little after six o'clock 
on the morning of July 21st, began to attack the 
brigade commanded by Evans at the Stone Bridge. 
About an hour later the brigades of Bee, Bar- 
ton, Bonham and Jackson were ordered to march 
up-stream to the support of the Confederates at the 
bridge. Another hour passed in light skirmishing ; 
then, about 8:30, Evans saw a great cloud of dust 
rising above the trees that stood farther to the 
northward. He at once guessed the enemy's plan 
of turning his flank by way of Sudley Ford, two 
miles northwest of the Stone Bridge. He moved 
immediately with a part of his small force to meet 
the turning column. Two large Federal divisions, 
commanded by Hunter and Heiutzelman, had made 
a long circuit from Centerville, had crossed at Sud- 
ley Ford and were now advancing toward Manassas 
Junction. The riflemen, led by Evans, formed a 
line of battle in the fringe of woods on the Matthews 
Hill, just north of Young's Branch. Their sudden 
fire drove back the leading Federal brigade. Again 
the Federal troops advanced and again were they 
repulsed. The fighting was continued until eleven. 
At that hour Bee's brigade came to the help of 
Evans ; Bartow was also at hand and Hampton's 
Legion took position at the Eobinson House near 
the Stone Bridge. The main body of Federal troops 
moved forward, aided by efficient batteries ; one of 
Tyler's brigades crossed the stream near the bridge 
and assailed the Confederates in the flank. The 



THE FIEST BATTLE OF MANASSAS 87 

gallant soldiers, led by Evans, Bee and Bartow, 
were outnumbered nearly ten to one and, of course, 
had to retreat. As tliey fell back slowly across 
Young's Branch and up the slope of the Henry Hill 
to the southward, Imboden's Confederate battery 
and Hampton's Legion prevented the enemy's rapid 
pursuit. 

The crisis of the battle had come. It seemed to 
mean defeat for the Confederates. The central point 
of the entire battle-ground was the Henry Hill and 
across this plateau the broken fragments of the three 
Confederate brigades were retreating. Imboden's 
battery moved back over the hill at a gallop, while 
the brave leader loudly poured out his wrath upon 
the infantry that had refused to support him. 
Near the crest of the hill he met General Jackson. 
'^ I'll support your battery," said the latter ; '' un- 
limber right here." ' As the guns were placed in 
position, General Bee came across the plateau at a 
gallop ; he was covered with dust and sweat and was 
waving his drawn sword at his retreating soldiers. 
'' General, they are beating us back ! " he cried to 
Jackson. ^^Then, sir, we will give them the 
bayonet," was the answer. At the same time Jack- 
sou pointed to the men of the First Brigade who 
were drawn out in line of battle behind him. He 
was coolnud quiet and his steady voice restored Bee's 
confideuce. The latter rode rapidly back among his 
men, and pointing with his sword to the five regi- 
ments in firm array upon the hill, he cried in 
loud tones: ^'Look! There is Jackson standing 

* Battles and Leaders, Vol. I, p. 235. 



8S STONEWALL JACKSON 

like a sto^e wall ! Eally behind the Virginians ! " 
The soldiers repeated General Bee's cry and it rang 
across the field. Many who heard it took heart 
again. The change in the fortunes of the day may 
be dated from that hour. 

The first order sent to Jackson on that memorable 
morning, instructed him to support the brigades 
of Bonham and Cocke some distance below the 
Stone Bridge. Afterward, Cocke requested Jack- 
son to march directly to the bridge. While he was 
hastening there, he heard the sound of Bee's battle 
on the left. Immediately Jackson turned the head 
of his column toward the Henry House and advanced 
until he met Imboden and Bee. His keen eye took 
in the entire field at a glance and he at once saw the 
vantage-ground offered by a belt of young pines at 
the eastern edge of the Henry Hill. A little behind 
the crest of the hill he placed six field-guns. These 
were supported by his regiments, which were drawn 
out in line along the edge of the thicket of pines. The 
men of the Fourth and Twenty-seventh Virginia lay 
down in the rear of the guns. On the right was the 
Fifth ; on the left, the Second and Thirty-third. 
Both ends of the line were in heavy woods and 
Stuart's cavalry guarded the left flank. In front of 
Jackson's position for a space of five hundred yards, 
stretched the level plateau over which the enemy 
was about to advance. The broken regiments of 
Bee, Bartow and Evans halted in Jackson's rear, 
formed their lines anew and then moved into posi- 
tion among the trees on Jackson' s right. Hampton' s 
Legion likewise fell back and took post on the right. 



THE FIRST BATTLE OF MANASSAS 89 

It was about noonday when Jackson, having 
arranged his guns and men, stood ready to receive 
the Federal assault. At that time, Johnston and 
Beauregard rode ui3on the scene. They had heard 
the noise of battle and had galloped from the ex- 
treme right of the Confederate iDOsition. They 
brought two batteries and added them to Jackson's 
guns. With great gallantry both generals rode back 
and forth upon the hilltop, cheering the men and 
helping the demoralized regiments to get into line. 
The shells from the enemy's cannon were falling 
thick and fast and a heavy cloud of dust and smoke 
filled the air. Near the center of his line, Jackson 
was riding slowly to and fro. From time to time he 
called out to his soldiers, in a quiet, firm tone, 
"Steady, men ! steady ! all's well ! " 

The Federal forces pressed forward across Young's 
Branch and up the slope of the Henry Hill. They 
were 16,000 strong and had twelve pieces of heavy 
field-artillery. When they began to advance along 
the toi) of the plateau, the Confederates opened 
upon them with sixteen light field-guns. A force 
of only 6,500 Confederates was ready to meet 
the Federal assault. ''The contest that ensued was 
terrific," writes General Imboden. "Jackson 
ordered me to go from battery to battery and see 
that the guns were properly aimed and the fuses 
cut the right length. This was the work of but a 
few minutes. On returning to the left of the line of 
guns, I stopped to ask General Jackson's permission 
to rejoin my battery. The fight was just then hot 
enough to make him feel well. His eyes fairly 



90 STONEWALL JACKSON 

blazed. He had a way of throwing up his left hand 
with the open palm toward the person he was ad- 
dressing. And, as he told me to go, he made this 
gesture. The air was full of flying missiles, and as 
he spoke he jerked down his hand, and I saw that 
blood was streaming from it. I exclaimed, ' Gen- 
eral, you are wounded.' ' Only a scratch — a mere 
scratch,' he replied, and binding it hastily with a 
handkerchief, he galloped away along his line." * 

For more than an hour the battle continued. 
Then two Federal batteries of three guns each, sup- 
ported by two regiments of infantry, moved for- 
ward to seek a closer range. Stuart at once led 150 
horsemen in a dashing charge against the Federal 
right and scattered the two regiments of foot-soldiers. 
The Thirty-third Virginia, led by Cummings, form- 
ing Jackson's left, rushed out of the pine thicket to- 
ward the Federal batteries. At the distance of 
seventy yards the Virginians poured in a fire that 
brought down the men and horses attached to the 
guns. Not another shot was fired during the rest of 
the day by either one of these batteries. 

McDowell's heavy brigades came boldly across 
the plateau and drove back the Thirty-third. The 
last fragments of the Confederate regiments that 
had spent the morning in resisting the Federal ad- 
vance, now moved behind Jackson's line. An 
of&cer rode rai^idly to the place where Jackson sat 
quietly on his horse. "General, the day is going 
against us," he cried. '*If you think so, sir," was 
the reply, ^ ' you had better not say anything about it. ' ' 
* Battles and Leaders, Vol. I, p. 236, 



THE FIEST BATTLE OF MANASSAS 91 

The Federal troops now occupied the entire open 
space around the Henry House and were advancing 
in strong force toward the crest of the hill where 
Jackson's guns still held their position. Two of 
Bonham's South Carolina regiments came up to 
strengthen the Confederate right. Jackson rode to 
the center of his lines and called out to his men : 
^' Reserve your fire till they come within fifty yards, 
then fire and give them the bayonet ; and when you 
charge, yell like furies." This order was given 
about 2:45 P. M. The Confederates had been lying 
upon the ground since noon, exposed to the shells 
from the enemy's guns. They were eager to take 
part in the fight and the time was at hand. The 
long Federal line was sweeping toward them and 
Jackson's batteries, acting under his orders, were 
hurrying to the rear. Jackson's long gray line 
suddenly sprang from the ground, poured a heavy 
volley into the faces of the Federal troops and 
then, with bayonets fixed, charged forward across 
the hill. At the same time a fierce shout came from 
the lips of the Confederate riflemen. It was the re- 
sounding halloo, so often heard in the chase, and 
from this time onward to become famous as the 
*' rebel yell." The Federal center was broken and 
driven back across the Henry Hill. 

Beauregard sent an order to all of the Confederate 
forces to move forward. The soldiers of Bee, Bar- 
tow, Hampton and Bonham advanced on the right. 
Hampton had been wounded, and Bee and Bartow 
both fell in this fresh assault, but McDowell's line 
was beaten. Near the northern edge of the Henry 



02 STOITEWALL JACKSON 

Hill Howard's brigade came up and the Federal 
forces made a desperate effort to hold their ground. 
Their center was broken, however, and Jackson's 
men were turning the captured guns against them. 
At that moment, also, Kirby Smith's brigade, 
which had come by the railway through Manassas 
Gap, arrived on the field. Smith received a wound 
but his men rushed forward under Elzey against 
McDowell's right flank. The Federal forces fell 
back down the slope of the hill, but McDowell 
formed another line behind Young's Branch. Early's 
brigade, however, which had made the long march 
from the extreme Confederate right, assailed his 
right flank. The Federal forces turned away from 
the field and started across Bull Eun. Stuart's 
small body of horsemen followed in pursuit. The 
Federal division left in position at Centerville was 
not able to check the flight of McDowell's men. 
They fell into confusion ; then a panic seized them 
and they threw away muskets and knapsacks, aban- 
doned guns and wagons, and streamed back across 
the Potomac into Washington, a defeated and dis- 
heartened crowd of fugitives. Twenty-five cannon, 
1,500 prisoners, thousands of rifles and large quanti- 
ties of stores were left in the hands of the Con- 
federates. 

It was the time for vigorous pursuit by the Con- 
federate infantry. Jackson was eager to move 
forward, and while the surgeon was dressing his 
wounded hand, he said, ^'Give me 10,000 fresh 
troops, and I would be in Washington to-morrow." 
For three days Jackson held his men ready for 



THE FIRST BATTLE OF MAKASSAS 93 

marchiug orders, with cooked rations in their haver- 
sacks J no orders, however, were given him to inau- 
gurate a pursuit. Reinforcements came up in such 
numbers that on the day after the battle Johnston 
had an army of 40,000 men. Headquarters were 
established at Center ville, but no advance was made 
in force beyond that point. 

On the day following the great struggle at 
Manassas, Jackson wrote to the minister of his 
church as follows : 

*^ My dear Pastor : 

" In my tent last night, after a fatiguing day's 
service, I remembered that I had failed to send you 
my contribution to our colored Sunday-school. En- 
closed you will find my check for that object, which 
please acknowledge at your earliest convenience, 
and oblige, 

' ' Yours faithfully, 

'^T. J. Jackson."^ 

While there was not a word about the battle in 
this letter, Jackson spoke more freely to his wife. 
''Yesterday we fought a great battle,'' he wrote, 
' ' and gained a great victory, for which all the glory 
is due to God alone. . . . The battle was the 
hardest that I have ever been in, but not near so 
hot in its fire. . . . Whilst great credit is due 
to other parts of our gallant army, God made my 
brigade more instrumental than any other in re- 
pulsing the main attack. This is for your informa- 
tion only — say nothing about it. Let others speak 
praise, not myself." 

^ Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 182. 



94 STONEWALL JACKSON 

On Augi^t 5th Jackson wrote again to his wife : 

^' And so you think the papers ought to say more 
about your husband ! My brigade is not a brigade 
of newspaper correspondents. I know that the First 
Brigade was the first to meet and pass our retreating 
forces — to push on witli no other aid than the smiles 
of God ; to boldly take its position with the artillery 
that was under my command — to arrest the victori- 
ous foe in his onward x>i'ogress — to hold him in 
check until reinforcements arrived — and finally to 
charge bayonets and thus advancing, pierce the 
enemy's center. I am well satisfied with what it 
did, and so are my generals, Johnston and Beaure- 
gard. It is not to be expected that I should receive 
the credit that Generals Beauregard and Johnston 
would, because I was under them ; but I am thank- 
ful to my ever kind heavenly Father that He makes 
me content to await His own good time and pleas- 
ure for commendation — knowing that all things 
work together for my good. If my brigade can 
always play so important and useful a part as it 
did in the last battle, I trust I shall ever be most 
grateful. As you think the papers do not notice 
me enough, I send a specimen which, you will see 
from the upper j)art of the paper, is a deader.' 
My darling, never distrust our God, who doeth all 
things well. In due time He will make manifest 
all His pleasure, which is all His people should de- 
sire. You must not be concerned at seeing other 
parts of the army lauded and my brigade not men- 
tioned. Truth is mighty and will prevail. When 
the official reports are published, if not before, I ex- 
pect to see justice done this noble body of patriots. '^ ^ 

In his own official report, Jackson said only this : 
**The charge of the Second and Fourth Virginia, 
^ Life of Jackson^ by hi3 wife, pp. 179-180. 



THE FIEST BATTLE OP MANASSAS 95 

through the blessing of God, who gave us the vic- 
tory, pierced the center of the enemy. '^ 

The loss in his brigade was severe, since 488 were 
killed or wounded out of a total of 3,000 officers 
and men. The entire Confederate loss in killed or 
wounded was 1,982 j the Federal loss was 3,084, 
including the 1,500 prisoners already mentioned. 

Jackson received a painful wound during the 
battle ; the longest finger of his left hand was 
broken. The hand was saved, but for a long while 
he could not use it. Three days after the battle, 
.Imboden rode to Jackson's headquarters near Center- 
ville to inquire about his wound. While they ate 
breakfast together, the conversation turned to the 
fighting on the Henry Hill. ''General,'^ said Im- 
boden, ''how is it that you can keep so cool, and 
appear so utterly insensible to danger in such a 
storm of shell and bullets as rained about you when 
your hand was hit ? " " Captain, ' ' replied Jackson 
in a grave and reverential manner, ' ' my religious 
belief teaches me to feel as safe in battle as in bed. 
God has fixed the time for my death. I do not 
concern myself about that, but to be always ready, 
no matter when it may overtake me." After 
a pause, and looking Imboden full in the face, he 
added, ' ' That is the way all men should live and 
then all would be equally brave.'' ^ 

Jackson's home during the summer months, in 

1861, was in a tent, pitched upon a hilltop near 

Centerville ; and upon the slope of the same hill 

were the camp-fires of the Stonewall Brigade, thus 

^ Battles and Leaders, Vol. I, pp. 122, 123. 



96 STONEWALL JACKSON 

designated ^by reason of Bee's words at Manassas. 
The general never asked for leave of absence for him- 
self and he would not permit any of his men to visit 
their homes. Almost continual drill every day dur- 
ing six days of the week and two sermons preached 
before the brigade each Sunday — this was the regular 
order of work and worship in his command. He 
gave personal attention to the health and comfort of 
his soldiers. There was a supply of excellent water 
and for this reason, i)erhaps, his men escaped the 
fevers that visited other parts of the Confederate 
army. "Every officer and soldier,'^ said Jackson, 
"who is able to do duty, ought to be busily engaged 
in military preparation by hard drilling in order 
that, through the blessing of God, we may be vic- 
torious in the battles, which in His all-wise Provi- 
dence may await us.'^ At that time he was certain 
that the Southern states would win their independ- 
ence. "K the war is carried on with vigor," he 
added, "I think that, under the blessing of God, it 
will not last long." ' With reference to the most 
efficient method of fighting, he told his soldiers that 
there "ought not to be much firing at all. My idea 
is that the best mode of fighting is to reserve your 
fire till the enemy get — or you get them — to close 
quarters. Then deliver one deadly, deliberate fire 
— and charge !" ^ 

In the month of September Mrs. Jackson spent 
about two weeks with her husband in camp. She 
sat at the mess-table under the trees with the gen- 
eral and the members of his staff. They made a 

^ Dabney's Jackson, p. 257. ^ Cooke's Jackson, p. 89. 



THE FIEST BATTLE OF MANASSAS 97 

journey together over the field of Manassas. There 
were visits from army officers, and reviews on the 
great parade-ground under the supervision of 
Beauregard, Johnston and President Davis. 

On October 7, 1861, Jackson was promoted to the 
rank of major-general. A few days afterward he 
was appointed to the separate command of the Val- 
ley District. ^ ^ Had this communication not come 
as an order," he said, " I should instantly have de- 
clined it, and continued in command of my brave 
old brigade." On the 4th of November, therefore, 
the five regiments were drawn uj) in line and the 
general rode up to take leave of them. The faces of 
the soldiers were sad, for they all loved their leader, 
referring to him in their conversation as '^Stone- 
wall" and ''Old Jack." Jackson said to the 
brigade : 

"I am not here to make a speech, but simply to 
say farewell. I first met you at Harper's Ferry, at 
the commencement of the war, and I cannot take 
leave of you without giving expression to my ad- 
miration of your conduct from that day to this, 
whether on the march, in the bivouac, or on the 
bloody plains of Manassas, where you gained the 
well-deserved reputation of having decided the 
battle. 

" Throughout the broad extent of country through 
which you have marched, by your respect for the 
rights and property of citizens, you have shown 
that you are soldiers not only to defend but able 
and willing both to defend and protect. You have 
already won a brilliant reputation throughout the 
army of the whole Confederacy ; and I trust, in the 
future, by your deeds in the field, and by the assist- 



98 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ance of the same kind Providence who Las hitherto 
favored our cause, you will wiu more victories aud 
add lustre to the re]3utation you now eujoy. You 
have already gained a proud position in the future 
of this our second War of Independence. I shall 
look with great anxiety to your future movements 
and I trust whenever I shall hear of the First 
Brigade on the field of battle, it will be of still 
nobler deeds achieved and higher reputation won." 

The general paused a moment, then raising himself 
in the stirrups and throwing the reins upon his 
horse's neck, he cried in affectionate tones ; 

'^ In the Army of the Shenandoah, you were the 
First Brigade ! In the Army of the Potomac, you 
were the First Brigade ! In the Second Corps of 
the army, you are the First Brigade ! You are the 
First Brigade in the affections of your general, and 
I hope by your future deeds and bearing you will 
be handed down to posterity as the First Brigade in 
this our second War of Independence. Farewell ! " ' 

Thus speaking, Jackson waved his hand and 
turned away his horse's head. The shouts of the 
soldiers followed him as he galloped from the field. 
He hastened at once to Winchester and took charge 
of the affairs of the Confederacy in that region. 

* Dabney's Jackson, pp. 249-250. 



CHAPTEE VIII 

THE EOMNEY CAMPAIGN 

General Johnston's army spent the auturnu of 
1861 and the succeeding winter months in the camp 
near Manassas. The Confederates built strong for- 
tifications there and took ]3osition behind them to 
await another Federal advance. During the same 
period, General McClellan, who had been made 
Federal commander-in-chief, was organizing a large 
military force in Washington for the invasion of 
Virginia. 

Jackson was eager to see the Confederacy take 
the first active step by ordering an invasion of the 
North. He said that McClellan with his army of 
recruits would not move forward until the follow- 
ing spring. Before leaving Manassas Jackson urged 
his superiors to take the field and not wait for the 
enemy to make full preparation to invade the 
South. " If the President,'^ he said, ''would rein- 
force this [Johnston's] army by taking troops from 
other points not threatened, and let us make an 
active campaign of invasion before winter sets in, 
McClellan' s raw recruits could not stand against us 
in the field." ' 

The plan which he proposed involved the crossing 
of the Upper Potomac with a large Confederate 

'Letter from General G. W. Smith, quoted in Henderson's 
Jackson, Vol. I, p. 175. 



100 STONEWALL JACKSON 

army and >tlie seizure of Baltimore ; the defeat of 
McOlellan's forces, if he should venture into the 
open field ; the cutting of the railways that con- 
nected Philadelphia and other Eastern cities with the 
West ; the capture of Pittsburg and the occupation 
of the territory between that city and Lake Erie. 
The Confederate army of invasion, he said, could 
subsist upon the country through which it passed. 

President Davis answered these suggestions by de- 
claring that the supply of muskets and field-guns in 
the South was inadequate, and that he could not 
collect a sufficient force of soldiers at Manassas, with 
wagon-trains and supplies, to enable him to send an 
army northward across the Potomac. 

With great sadness of heart, caused by the rejec- 
tion of his plan, Jackson went to Winchester. He 
found there only the fragments of three brigades of 
militia and a few companies of cavalry. These 
soldiers had received little training and most of 
them were armed with old-fashioned flint-lock rifles. 
Jackson called out the rest of the militia in his dis- 
trict and they came at once, with the result that he 
soon had a force of 3,000 men subject to his orders. 
He began immediately to drill them and to bring 
them into obedience to the rules of military dis- 
cipline. Jackson established himself for the winter 
in a comfortable house in Winchester. There his 
wife joined him. She traveled under the care of a 
kind-hearted old minister and arrived in Winchester 
at a late hour one night in early December. She 
had been told that General Jackson was absent and 
she, therefore, went to a hotel. A small party of 



THE EOMNEY CAMPAIGN 101 

soldiers were standiug in the wide hall as she passed 
up the stairway. ''Just before reaching the land- 
ing," she writes, ''I turned to look back, for one 
figure among the group looked startlingly familiar, 
but as he had not come forward, I felt that I must 
be mistaken. However, my backward glance re- 
vealed an of&cer muffled up in a military greatcoat, 
cap drawn down over his eyes, following us in rapid 
pursuit, and by the time we were upon the top step 
a pair of strong arms caught me ; the captive's head 
was thrown back, and she was kissed again and again 
by her husband before she could recover from the 
delightful surprise he had given her.'' When Mrs. 
Jackson asked why he had not come forward upon 
her first arrival, he replied that he wished ''to as- 
sure himself that it was his own wife, as he didn't 
want to commit the blunder of kissing anybody 
else's esposa.''"' ^ 

During a period of about three months the general 
and his wife made their home with Doctor J. R. Gra- 
ham, a Presbyterian minister. The domestic happi- 
ness which the soldier experienced in that family 
circle was like balm to his soul. He was soon in 
fine health and he entered with spirit into the quiet 
social pleasures of the community. ' ' Winchester 
was rich in happy homes and pleasant people," 
writes -Mrs. Jackson ; ' ' and the extreme kindness 
and appreciation shown to General Jackson by all, 
bound us to them so closely and warmly that ever 
after that winter he called the place our 'war 
home.' " 

^Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 210-211. 



102 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Jackson never paused, however, in the work of 
organizing 'his army and drilling his regiments. 
His cavalry was placed under the orders of Colonel 
Turner Ashby, a Virginia planter, who soon mani- 
fested great skill and daring as a leader of horsemen. 
About the middle of November the Stonewall Bri- 
gade was sent to him from Manassas ; also, the 
Eockbridge Artillery, commanded by Captain Mc- 
Laughlin. Jackson issued an order that no officer 
would be allowed to leave camp unless he had a 
pass from headquarters. The regimental command- 
ers of his old brigade objected to this order as dis- 
paraging their dignity. To their protest Jackson 
made this reply : ''If officers desire to have con- 
trol over their commands, they must remain habitu- 
ally with them, industriously attend to their instruc- 
tion and comfort, and in battle lead them well and 
in such a manner as to command their admiration." 

He collected about himself a personal staff com- 
posed of men of vigor and capacity. When he was 
selecting these aides, he said, ''My desire is to make 
merit the basis of my recommendations." " If you 
will vouch for your brother's being an early riser 
during the remainder of the war, I will give him an 
aideship," he wrote to Mrs. Jackson. "I do not 
want to make an appointment on my staff except of 
such as are early risers ; but if you will vouch for 
him to rise regularly at dawn, I will offer him the 
position." 

Jackson's mind, moreover, was constantly en- 
gaged in the preparation of plans for active military 
operations. His eye swept the entire field with 



THE ROMNEY CAMPAIGN 103 

"whicli he was connected and lie sent to his superiors 
suggestion after suggestion, urging an immediate 
advance into the mountain regions that lie west of 
the Valley of Virginia. At that time, in November, 
1861, the northwestern part of the present state of 
West Virginia was occupied by a Federal force of 
about 27,000 men under General Eosecraus. Of 
these, 5,000 held Eomney, a town about thirty -five 
miles northwest of Winchester ; the rest of the 
army of Eosecrans held the mountain passes from 
the town of Grafton to Gauley Bridge in the Ka- 
nawha Valley. Immediately in Jackson's front, on 
the Maryland side of the Potomac, a force of 18,000 
Federal troops, under General Banks, occupied ad- 
vantageous points from Frederick City westward to 
Cumberland. 

The first plan proposed by Jackson was that 10, 000 
men should be assigned to his command. With this 
force he desired to march westward to the Monon- 
gahela Eiver and i)roceed down that stream to Pitts- 
burg ; at the same time he suggested that Johnston 
should cross the Potomac and capture Harrisburg, 
the capital of Pennsylvania. Afterward, Johnston 
and Jackson together would advance on Philadel- 
phia. When this proposition was rejected by the 
Eichmond authorities, he asked permission to attack 
the Federal force at Eomney. For this expedition 
Jackson requested that his small army should be 
reinforced by General Boring's division and Edward 
Johnson's brigade, which were stationed on the 
roadways in the mountains west of Staunton. On 
November 20th he wrote to Eichmond, urging that 



104 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Loring should be brought at once to Winchester. 
The attaclf on Eomney, he suggested, would proba- 
bly induce McClellan to advance against Johnston 
at Centervalle. In that case Jackson expected to 
march with his entire force from Winchester to 
Manassas in order to aid Johnston in driving Mc- 
Clellan back across the Potomac. Immediately 
after repulsing the enemy at Manassas, said Jack- 
son, let us send Loring to occupy the region around 
Clarksburg on the Monongahela. Then, if the Fed- 
eral forces should advance eastward from the Ka- 
nawha into the Valley, ''so much the worse for 
them;" he would close in behind them and cut 
them off from the Ohio Elver. The order was there- 
fore sent to Loring to lead his division to Win- 
chester. 

Before the arrival of reinforcements, however, 
Jackson led some of his troops to the Potomac, to 
attempt the destruction of a dam that turned the 
water of the river into the Chesapeake and Ohio 
Canal. This canal ran along the northern bank of 
the Potomac and its boats carried coal and other 
supplies from the West to Washington. Two com- 
panies of the Stonewall Brigade volunteered to 
enter the water and cut away the cribs. By night, 
therefore, they stood waist-deep in the cold stream, 
under a fierce fire from the enemy, and made a 
breach in the dam. Within two days, however, 
the Federal soldiers repaired the damage. 

On Christmas Day, Loring arrived in Winchester. 
The enemy were then giving indications of a pur- 
pose to advance against Jackson from Frederick and 



THE ROMNEY CAMPAIGN 105 

from Eomney. He determined, therefore, to make 
an attack before they were reinforced. 

On the morning of the 1st of January, 1862, 
Jackson's small army of 9, 000 soldiers marched away 
from Winchester toward the Potomac. The sky was 
clear and the temperature was as warm as a day in 
April. Contrary to orders, the men threw their 
blankets, tents and haversacks in the wagons and 
carried only their muskets. The column was 
turned in the direction of the little towns of Bath 
and Hancock on the Baltimore and Ohio Eailway. 
Jackson expected to scatter the Federal forces that 
occupied these two points, cut the telegraph line, 
and thus separate Banks at Frederick from Kelly, 
the Federal commander at Eomney. In the after- 
noon, however, a sudden change took iDlace in the 
temperature. A cold rain began to beat in the 
faces of the men, and this was followed by snow and 
sleet. Since the wagons were moving over country 
roads for the purpose of concealing the march from 
the enemy, they were delayed by the ice that 
covered the steep grades. The men spent the 
night, therefore, without food and without cover- 
ing, standing or lying around the camp-fires. In 
the morning the wagons arrived ; so the soldiers 
hastily satisfied their hunger and moved forward. 
On the third day. General E. B. Garnett, com- 
manding the Stonewall Brigade, halted his troops. 
Jackson rode up quickly and asked why the 
column was not pressing onward. '' I have halted 
to let the men cook their rations," replied Garnett. 
" There is no time for that," said Jackson. ^' But 



106 STONEWALL JACKSON 

it is impossible for the men to marcli further with- 
out them.'' ''I never found anything imiDossible 
with this brigade ! " and Jackson spurred his horse 
toward Bath. He wished to surprise the enemy but 
night fell upon his army when the advanced-guard 
was still some distance from the town. The wagons 
were again behind and the troops had to bivouac 
without bread or blankets. The next morning the 
soldiers awoke to find themselves covered with a 
sheet of snow. Jackson urged his men forward ; 
some were sent to the right and to the left in 
order to surround the garrison. A heavy storm, 
however, was beating upon the soldiers, and a num- 
ber of the officers were so lacking in experience that 
Jackson's plans were not carried out. The three 
Federal regiments escaped across the river ; the Con- 
federates secured only sixteen prisoners. Large 
stores, however, fell into theii' hands and on the 
night of January 4th, they occupied warm quarters 
and enjoyed the full supply of provisions. 

Jackson then threw some shells from his batteries 
into the town of Hancock on the northern bank of 
the Potomac. This was intended as a lesson to the 
Federal gunners that they must cease their work of 
firing heavy shot into Shepherdstown, a little place 
south of the Potomac. Under cover of this fire from 
his guns, moreover, Jackson burned a large railway 
bridge, made a breach in the canal dam and 
destroyed miles of track and telegraph. The 
captured stores were sent to Winchester and Jack- 
son's column marched on toward Eomney. A halt 
of four days, however, was rendered necessary by 



THE ROMNEY CAMPAIGN 107 

the conditiou of both men and horses. The latter 
had to be rough- shod before attempting to draw the 
heavy army wagons across the steep ridges that lay 
between them and the goal. A detachment of 
militia and artillery had already moved in advance, 
and in a skirmish at Hanging Rock, two Confederate 
guns were lost. 

There was no time for delay. On the morning 
of January 13th, the march was resumed by the 
main body of Confederates. The mountains were 
covered with a sheet of firm and smooth ice. The 
weather became colder and colder and the sleet con- 
tinued to beat down ui^on the slow-moving column. 
The suffering of soldiers and animals was severe as 
they stumbled forward along the slippery track. 
Jackson suffered and labored with his men. At one 
time he was heli)ing to lift a gun over some obstacle ; 
again he was urging his tired soldiers to move more 
rapidly, or rebuking some officer for lack of 
energy. Stern and energetic, the indomitable 
leader made his column iDress forward through ap- 
palling difficulties. On January 14th his advanced- 
guard entered Romney. Kelly's Federal force, far 
more numerous than Jackson's, had already left the 
place and had retreated across the Potomac to 
Cumberland. Large quantities of camp equipments 
and military stores fell into the hands of the Con- 
federates. 

Jackson wished to advance beyond Romney. He 
had formed a plan to destroy the bridges and the 
track of the Baltimore and Ohio Railway west of 
Cumberland as far as Grafton. This result was 



108 STONEWALL JACKSON 

within lii| power, and the breaking of the chief 
Federal line of communication with the West would 
have brought untold advantages to the Confederacy. 
The entire army under Banks was dependent upon 
this railway for its supplies. If these had been cut 
off, Banks would have been forced to give up the 
scheme of invading the Valley of Virginia. Jack- 
son was not able to carry out his plan, however, be- 
cause of the discontent that had arisen in Boring's 
division. The sufferings of the men during the 
march to Eomney caused deep murmuring among 
nis regiments and this murmuring was encouraged 
by Loring himself. In spite of the fact that he was 
an officer of the old army and had seen much service, 
he criticised the entire campaign in the most bitter 
terms and spoke very disrespectfully of Jackson 
himself. These utterances were boldly and reck- 
lessly made in the presence of his soldiers and the 
latter echoed the words and sentiments of their own 
immediate commander. Discipline no longer 
existed in this division ; the men were demoralized, 
and Jackson said that they would not advance 
farther. He, therefore, left Loring' s division in 
winter- quarters at Eomney and led the Stonewall 
Brigade back to Winchester. The latter lived in 
tents three miles below the town and were held to- 
gether under rigid discipline. 

Jackson's campaign had been successful. He had 
driven a large force of the enemy beyond the 
Potomac, captured vast stores, made a serious 
breach in the railway near Hancock and saved the 
loyal Southern people of those counties from the 



THE ROMNEY CAMPAIGN 109 

cruelty of the Federal invaders. The latter had 
burned the mills and factories and many of the 
dwelling-houses along the south branch of the 
Potomac, had shot down cows and oxen and sheep, 
and had kept their horses in the church buildings. 
Great joy was felt among the people who lived near 
Romuey when Jackson came to deliver them. 
There was criticism in many other parts of the 
country, however, for few were able to understand the 
advantages secured by the expedition. Nearly all 
thought only of the physical sufferings of the 
soldiers. Some of Loring's officers went to Rich- 
mond and laid their view of the case before Judah 
P. Benjamin, Secretary of War in the cabinet of 
President Davis. On the last day in January, 
therefore, Jackson received this note from Mr. Ben- 
jamin : 

'^ Our news indicates that a movement is making 
to cut off General Boring's command ; order him 
back immediately." ' 

Jackson obeyed the order at once, but at the 
same time he sent the following letter to Secretary 
Benjamin : 

''Sm, — Your order, requiring me to direct Gen- 
eral Loriiig to return with his command to Win- 
chester immediately, has been received and promptly 
complied with. 

'' With such interference in my command I cannot 
expect to be of much service in the field and, ac- 
cordingly, respectfully request to be ordered to 

» Official Records, Vol. V, p. 1053. 



110 STONEWALL JACKSON 

report fp^ duty to the superintendent of the Vir- 
ginia Military Institute at Lexington, as has been 
done in the case of other professors. Should 
this application not be granted, I respectfully re- 
quest that the President will accept my resignation 
from the army." * 

Benjamin's order was, of course, a blow aimed at 
good discipline. It meant that a secretary, seated 
in his office in Eichmond, was attempting to direct 
the details of military operations in the field. There 
was no real danger threatening Loring^s force. Gen- 
eral Johnston, who was Jackson's immediate supe- 
rior in command, urged him to withdraw his letter 
of resignation. Johnston suggested that the officers 
of the army must make sacrifices. "Sacrifices!" 
exclaimed Jackson in the presence of a friend, 
Colonel A. E. Boteler ; ' ' have I not made them ? 
What is my life here but a daily sacrifice? Nor 
shall I ever witlihold sacrifices for my country, 
when they will avail anything. I intend to serve 
here, anywhere, in any way I can, even if it be as a 
private soldier. But," said Jackson further, "if 
this method of making war is to prevail, the country 
is ruined. My duty to Virginia requires that I 
shall utter my protest against it in the most ener- 
getic form in my power, and that is to resign. The 
authorities at Eichmond must be taught a lesson, 
or the next victims of their meddling will be Johns- 
ton and. Lee." * 

Jackson wrote also to John Letcher, Governor of 

' Official Records, Vol. V. p. 1053. 

2 Dabuey's Jackson, pp. 280-281 ; Cooke's Jackson, p. 96. 



THE EOMNEY CAMPAIGN 111 

Virginia. ''I regard the recent expedition as a 
great success," he said. With reference to the sec- 
retary's order, however, he declared that it was in 
direct conflict with his military plans and implied 
*' a want of confidence in my [his] capacity to judge 
when General Loring's troops should fall back." ' 
Letcher presented this view to Mr. Benjamin and the 
latter yielded the point at once. He asserted that 
it was not the intention of the Eichmond authori- 
ties to interfere with Jackson's plans. The resig- 
nation was, therefore, withdrawn. But Jackson's 
firmness had administered a very salutary lesson to 
the Confederate government that there should be no 
meddling with the responsibilities of commanders 
in the field. 

General Loring and a portion of his division were 
sent elsewhere. Jackson did not mention the affair 
again, nor would he allow any one to talk about it 
in his presence. He cherished no personal resent- 
ments and some of the of&cers who had criticised 
him were afterward among his most trusted sub- 
ordinates. During the remainder of the winter 
Jackson enjoyed a rest at Winchester. Throughout 
the Eomney campaign he had manifested no geni- 
ality whatever ; on the contrary, he was stern and 
peremptory in his manner. For that reason he had 
repelled his men, instead of attracting them. In 
the home of Doctor Graham, however, the soldier 
manifested another phase of character. There was 
a relaxation in the severity of his manner ; he be- 
came genial and sociable. His face was often aglow 

1 Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 232, 233. 



112 STONEWALL JACKSON 

with delight when he glanced about him upon the 
group of friends seated at the fireside. The young 
officers of the army were given a warm welcome in 
that home, and sometimes the house was filled with 
music and merriment. There were young people 
present with their laughter and games. More than 
once General Jackson was seen running down the 
stairs with an urchin on his shoulders, laughing 
like a schoolboy. *' We spent as happy a winter," 
writes his wife, ''as ever falls to the lot of mortals 
upon earth. ' ' ^ 

Daily drill was the regular duty laid upon the 
soldiers of Jackson's command during all those 
weeks of rain and ice. Then the clouds fled away, 
the snows melted, and the signs of spring ap- 
peared. The enemy gave indications that they 
were about to move and Jackson sent his wife to a 
place of refuge in the home of Doctor Eobert L. 
Dabney, a Presbyterian minister, at Hampden Sid- 
ney in Virginia. Through correspondence with 
Mrs. Jackson, a few weeks later, the general per- 
suaded Doctor Dabney to become his chief of staff. 

When Banks crossed the Potomac with a large 
force, Jackson did not retreat. He immediately 
led his small regiments through Winchester and 
marched northward to meet the Federal army. 

^ Memoirs, by his wife, p. 212. 



CHAPTEE IX 

THE BATTLE OF KERNSTOWN 

In the spring of 1862, General McClellan had an 
army of more than 200,000 men encamped at Wash- 
ington. With this body of soldiers he expected to 
defeat the Confederate forces in Virginia and cap- 
ture Richmond. His first step was to send Banks 
with 38,000 soldiers and eighty cannon across the 
Potomac at Harper's Ferry with orders to seize 
Winchester. 

General Joseph E. Johnston decided that the 
Confederate army was not strong enough to meet 
the Federal host in the plains of northern Virginia. 
He, therefore, ordered D. H. Hill to withdraw his 
detachment from Leesburg and on March 9th, Johns- 
ton himself fell back with his own force of 32,000 
men, from Centerville to Orange Court-House. At 
the same time he gave Jackson permission to delay 
the advance of the enemy at Winchester as long as 
possible. Jackson urged Johnston to send Hill's 
troops or some other force to aid him, in order that 
a severe blow might be given to Banks at Win- 
chester. Johnston, however, did not follow the 
suggestion. It thus appears that Jackson was al- 
ready making plans, not to retreat from the Valley, 
but to deliver a series of vigorous attacks against 
the enemy. These plans were soon carried out with 
brilliant success in the famous Valley Campaign. 



il4 STONEWALL JACKSON 

At that time Jackson had a total force of ouly 
4,600 men. Of these, 3,600 were iufautry, 600 
cavalry and the rest attached to the six batteries of 
twenty-seven guns. All were well drilled and effi- 
cient soldiers. The artillerists were brave and skil- 
ful gunners. The cavalry was made up of splendid 
horsemen led by Ashby. Most of these troopers 
were young men, natives of that part of Virginia. 
At the word of command they would dash through 
the enemy's bivouac and then away through the 
fields and forests. '' I can't catch them, sir ; they 
leap fences and walls like deer j neither our men nor 
our horses are so trained. ' ' * This was the ojDinion 
expressed by one of Banks's cavalry officers. 

Ashby himself was unrivaled as a leader of light- 
horse. He was the most daring rider in the army, 
and could gallop seventy or eighty miles in a day 
and be fresh at the end of the journey. His cool- 
ness under fire was little short of marvelous. "I 
think even our men," writes a Federal officer, '' had 
a kind of admiration for him, as he sat unmoved 
upon his horse and let them pepper away at him as 
if he enjoyed it." 

Jackson's infantry was composed chiefly of farmers 
and farmers' sons from the valley and mountain re- 
gions. Nearly all of them were skilled riflemen, 
trained as hunters from their early youth. Their 
nerves were steady and their sight was quick. It 
was not often that one of these hardy woodsmen 
missed the mark at which he aimed his rifle. As 
soldiers they were of the rough and ready type. 
* G. H. Gordon's Brook Farm to Cedar Mountain, p. 136, 



THE BATTLE OF KEENSTOWN 115 

Most of their garments were homespun and of 
various colors and i^atterns. Some wore hunting- 
shirts, and many of them had short- waisted jack- 
ets of gray or brown. A soft hat, broad, solid 
shoes, a haversack for provisions, a blanket and 
an India-rubber sheet worn in a roll over the left 
shoulder, and a frying-pan with the handle stuck 
in the musket barrel, — such was the outfit of Jack- 
son' s foot-soldiers. The claim was made, and rightly 
made, concerning these soldiers that "none ever 
marched faster or held out longer." 

Banks pushed his advanced-guard forward toward 
Winchester on March 7, 1862. Just north of the 
town Jackson drew up his men in line and offered 
battle. Banks declined to fight and withdrew. 
Four days later Jackson again offered the Federal 
commander an opportunity to fight, but again the 
head of the enemy's column was turned back to- 
ward the Potomac. On the morning of the 12th, 
Banks set the chief part of his army in motion and 
Jackson thought it prudent to allow the Federal 
forces to occupy the town. His military stores had 
been already sent to Mount Jackson, a point half- 
way up the Valley. He was resolved, however, not 
to yield Winchester to the foe without a battle. He 
proposed to make a night march and at a point 
about four miles north of the town attack suddenly 
just before daybreak. He, therefore, summoned 
General Garnett and the regimental commanders of 
the Stonewall Brigade to meet him in council. 
While they were assembling, he rode back into 
Winchester and entered Doctor Graham's house to 



116 STONEWALL JACKSON 

make a hast;f call. He fouud tlie family oppressed 
with gloom, but Jackson himself was so buoyant 
and hopeful "that their drooping spirits were re- 
vived." "After engaging with them in family 
worship, he retired, departing with a cheerful ' Good- 
evening,' merely saying that he intended to dine 
with them the next day as usual.'' ^ 

When the council met, Jackson learned that some 
of his staff-officers had made a mistake and had sent 
the wagon-train to Kernstown and beyond. The 
soldiers, also, had been marched back to the wagons 
to get their rations. They were five or six miles 
away. The council of war disapproved of the night 
march and Jackson gave up the scheme. He re- 
turned at once to Doctor Graham's house to remove 
from the minds of his friends the impression which 
he had given them. He explained his plans and 
the reasons for changing them, at the same time 
speaking about his reluctance to surrender Win- 
chester without a struggle. ' ' With slow and des- 
perate earnestness he said, ^ Let me think — can I not 
yet carry my plan into execution*?' " With these 
words he seized the hilt of his sword and a fierce 
light blazed in his eyes. Then he dropped his head 
and said, ' ' No, I must not do it ; it may cost the 
lives of too many brave men. I must retreat and 
wait for a better time." ^ As Jackson rode out of 
Winchester, he paused on a hill to look back, says 
Doctor McGuire. The fire of a great wrath seemed 
to be burning within his bosom, and ^ ' pres- 

* Henderson's Jackson, Vol. I, p. 229. 

' Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 241-242. 



THE BATTLE OF KEENSTOWN 117 

ently he cried out in a tone almost savage, ' Tiiat is 
the last council of war I will ever hold ! ' " 

Jackson's troojDS were led to Strasburg and then 
to Mount Jackson, in the hope of drawing Banks up 
the Valley. This plan succeeded, for on March 18th 
the Federal division commanded by Shields, fol- 
lowed him as far as Strasbui-g. On that day, how- 
ever, McOlellan's movement from Washington down 
the Potomac to Fortress Monroe was in progress and 
the order came to Banks to send two of his divisions, 
led by Williams and Sedgwick, to aid McClellan in 
his campaign against Eichmond. On March 20th, 
therefore. Shields fell back to Winchester and the 
rest of Banks's army started to march to Manassas 
to help McClellan. 

On the evening of the 21st, Ashby brought stir- 
ring news to Jackson. The enemy were in retreat, 
he said ; a long wagon-train had moved from Win- 
chester across the Shenandoah toward Manassas ; 
there were other indications that Banks's entire 
army was moving eastward. This meant a concen- 
tration of Federal forces against Johnston at some 
point east of the Blue Eidge. That concentration 
Jackson resolved to prevent. Immediately, there- 
fore, he moved toward Winchester. On the 22d 
Ashby' s horsemen had a skirmish near that town 
with a part of Shields' s force. Jackson's foot- 
soldiers marched twenty -two miles on the same day 
and went into camp at Strasburg. At daybreak on 
the 23d the Confederates were again in motion and 
at one o'clock they arrived at the village of Kerns- 
town, three miles south of Winchester. The men 



118 STONEWALL JACKSON 

were wearied by the long forced inarch and many of 
them had dropped out of the column. 

Ashby told Jackson that the enemy's forces con- 
sisted of only four regiments of infantry and a body 
of cavalry. Jackson preferred to i^ostpone his at- 
tack until morning, but he found the enemy in 
position and he, therefore, began the battle at once, 
fearing that reinforcements would come to their aid. 

But Ashby had been mistaken in his estimate of 
the enemy's numbers. Some of the Federal regi- 
ments, supported by their batteries, were drawn up 
in line across the Yalley Turnpike, extending a 
considerable distance on each side of that highway. 
Other regiments were held in reserve near Win- 
chester. The total Federal force was 9,000 men. 
The total force on the field under Jackson's com- 
mand was about 3,500 men. A sudden blow de- 
livered against the Federal flank was the only hope 
of success. Jackson determined, therefore, to turn 
the enemy's right. 

Ashby was ordered to hold the roadway near 
Kernstown. The brigade under Burks remained 
behind to support the horsemen and the Fifth 
Virginia occupied the open ground immediately to 
the left of the turnpike. Jackson himself led his 
main body, the principal part of the two brigades 
of Fulkerson and Garnett, to his left. The Con- 
federates were exposed to a storm of shells from the 
Federal guns, but within twenty minutes they 
seized a wooded ridge about one mile west of the 
Valley Turnpike. The three batteries of McLaugh- 
lin, Carpenter and Waters were moved to the front. 



THE BATTLE OF KEE:N^ST0WK 119 

These took position in a rocky field on the crest of 
the ridge and opened fire against the Federal bat- 
teries. Jackson's guns were supported by two lines 
of battle. In front, on the right, were the Twenty- 
seventh and Twenty-first Vii'ginia ; in front, on the 
left, were the Twenty-third and Thirty-seventh Vir- 
ginia, of Fulkerson's brigade. The Stonewall 
Brigade formed the second line. A Confederate 
force of about 2,000 men thus held a position op- 
posite the right flank of the enemy. One half of 
Ashby's horsemen kept guard on Jackson's left. 

The fire of the Confederate cannon was rapid and 
effective and the Federal guns grew visibly weaker 
in their reply. Then five Federal regiments, more 
than 3,000 strong, made a bold advance against the 
Confederate line on the ridge. The roar of musketry 
was terrific when the combatants came together in 
close conflict. At first, Jackson's front line on the 
right was forced back ; but the second Confederate 
line advanced, regained the position and drove the 
enemy into the woods beyond. On Jackson's left, 
the two regiments of Fulkerson made a gallant 
charge across an open field in the face of the foe, 
seized a stone wall and routed that portion of the 
Federal line. The officers of these two regiments, 
as members of Loring's command, had signed the 
protest against Jackson at Eomney. Their courage 
and devotion on the ridge at Kernstown won the 
heart of ''Old Stonewall," and from that day on- 
ward a mutual affection bound commander and 
subordinates together. 

An additional force of 3^000 men was sent for- 



120 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ward by the Federal commander. The Confederates 
on the ridge were thus outnumbered three to one, but 
they held their ground. Jackson's cannon were 
massed on his right and made that flank safe. 
Against the center of Jackson's position the chief 
blows of the enemy were directed. Most of the 
regiments of the Stonewall Brigade were posted there 
and for two hours and longer they stood defiant, as 
line after line of Federal infantry was urged to the 
attack. The crack of their muskets echoed across 
the hills again and again, as these men of the Valley 
repulsed the foe. The firing was at close range. 
The fury of the fighting was fiercer than it had been 
at the First Manassas. Jackson himself was seen 
everywhere in the battle, giving encouragement and 
steadiness to his men. Every company on the ridge 
was sent to the firing-line. As the day closed, how- 
ever, and twilight came on, the Confederate ranks 
were becoming thin. Many of their bravest officers 
had fallen and ammunition was giving out. But 
Jackson was confident of victory. He ordered the 
Fifth and Forty- second Virginia to ascend the slope 
from the foot of the ridge. With these 600 bayonets 
he expected to drive the enemy from the hill. A 
messenger was sent also to bring up the Forty- 
eighth, his rear-guard. While Jackson was look- 
ing after his left flank, however, a fresh Federal 
force rushed against the Confederate center. For 
a long time already the men of the Stonewall 
Brigade had been without cartridges and General 
Garnett, their commander, gave the order to fall 
back. The Confederate left had to retire with the 



1 



THE BATTLE OF KEENSTOWN 121 

center. Then the Federal regiments made a fierce 
attack on Jackson's right and the Confederate bat- 
teries were forced to withdraw with the loss of one 
of their guns. 

When Jackson saw the soldiers of his old brigade 
moving back, he was filled with astonishment and 
anger. He spurred his horse among the men and in 
imperious tones ordered Garnett to hold his 
ground. He caught a drummer by the shoulder 
and dragged him to a high point on the ridge 
where the men could see and hear him. " Beat the 
rally ! '' he said to the boy in a voice of stern com- 
mand. A storm of bullets filled the air and the 
shouts of the advancing enemy were drawing nearer. 
The general stood firm, however, in the midst of 
the danger and the tumult, and strove to reform his 
fighting line. But his efforts were vain ; the men 
would not stand with empty guns. 

Even yet Jackson hoped for victory. He gal- 
loped back to meet the Fifth and Forty-second 
Virginia in order that he might lead them in per- 
son in a sudden counter-stroke against the enemy. 
The latter might be checked until the Confederate 
fighting-line was restored and then a vigorous 
advance might win the field. Garnett, however, 
had ordered the Fifth Virginia to form upon a 
wooded height some distance to the rear. There 
Jackson found his reserve regiments. It was too 
late to order them forward to make a counter-attack, 
for darkness was falling upon the scene, the stars 
were shining and the entire Confederate battle-line 
was moving slowly to the rear. The Fifth and 



122 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Forty-seconcJ. fought most courageously and held 
back the numerous regiments of the foe until Jack- 
son's men marched to Newtown, three miles south 
of the field of battle. There, worn out with march- 
ing and fighting, the soldiers of the Valley army 
threw themselves upon the ground to rest. The Fed- 
eral soldiers did not j)ursue. They had been roughly 
handled and were in great disorder. Ashby ' s small 
force of horsemen kept watch near Kernstown while 
Jackson's riflemen and gunners slept through the 
night. 

When Jackson saw his rear-guard leave the field, 
he dismounted to warm himself in front of a fire 
kindled by some of the cavalrymen. A bold young 
trooper ventured to suggest to the general that the 
Confederates had been defeated in the battle of the 
afternoon. ^' I think I may say I am satisfied, sir ! " 
replied Jackson. Then the commander drew his 
long cloak more closely about him, mounted his 
horse and rode away with his chief commissary. 
Major Hawks. A short distance behind Ashby' s 
outposts the two horsemen turned aside from the 
road into an orchard. ''We shall have to burn 
fence-rails to-night," said Jackson, as he fastened 
his horse. The major soon started a roaring fire, 
and then made a bed of rails in a fence-corner. 
"You seem determined to make yourself and those 
around you comfortable, ' ' said Jackson. ' The maj or 
knew, however, that Jackson had not tasted food 
that day. He obtained bread and meat, therefore, 
from a squad of soldiers whose camp-fire was near, 

' Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 246. 



THE BATTLE OF KEENSTOWN 123 

iiDd after the hunger of both was satisfied, they lay 
down to sleep upon the rude couch. Not long after 
midnight, the medical director of the army came to 
tell Jackson that the work of sending the wounded 
to the rear had been greatly delayed by the lack of 
wagons. The general ordered him to impress car- 
riages from the people of the community. ''But 
that requires time," said the surgeon; "can you 
stay till it has been done ? " " Make yourself easy, 
sir," was Jackson's reply; "this army stays here 
until the last man is removed. Before I leave them 
to the enemy, I will lose many men more." ^ 

The work laid upon the surgeon was quickly 
accomplished and just before dawn, on March 24th, 
the Confederates formed a marching column and 
began to follow their wounded comrades up the 
Valley to Woodstock. The Federal forces, strongly 
reinforced, followed slowly and at a comfortable 
distance from Jackson's rear-guard. In the battle, 
1,200 men, killed and wounded, had fallen, and 
half of these were Confederates. Jackson had also 
lost two guns and two or three hundred of his men 
as prisoners. The fact that he had been driven 
from the field with such severe loss did not, how- 
ever, disturb him. He knew that he had gained a 
great advantage in checkmating the plans of the 
enemy. "Though Winchester was not recovered,'^ 
he wrote in his official report, * ' yet the more im- 
portant object for the present, that of calling back 
troops that were leaving the Valley, and thus pre- 
venting a junction of Banks's command with other 
* Dabney's Jackson, p. 324. 



124 STONEWALL JACKSON 



forces was accomplished. ... I feel justified 
in sayiug that, though the field is in possession of 
the enemy, yet the most essential fruits of the battle 
are ours." ^ 

To his wife Jackson wrote thus : ' ' Our men 
fought bravely but the superior numbers of the 
enemy repulsed me. Many valuable lives were lost. 
Our God was my shield. His protecting care is 
an additional cause for gratitude." ' Mrs. Jackson 
wrote in reply, expressing her concern that the 
general had made an attack on Sunday. ''I was 
greatly concerned, too," ran Jackson's answer; 
' ' but I felt it my duty to do it in consideration of 
the ruinous effects that might result from postpon- 
ing the battle until the morning. . . . I do 
hope that the war will soon be over, and that I 
shall never again be called upon to take the field. ' ' ^ 

After the battle Jackson relieved General Garnett 
of his command, placed him under arrest and pre- 
pared charges against him. Garnett had fought 
with conspicuous gallantry, but when the cartridges 
ran out, he ordered the Stonewall Brigade to re- 
tire. Jackson would not accept the lack of ammu- 
nition as an excuse. The men had their bayonets, 
he said, and the Fifth and Forty-second Virginia 
were at hand. A more resolute stand, he declared, 
would have won the field. The charges against 
Garnett were afterward withdrawn, however, and 
that officer was restored. At Gettysburg he gave 



1 0,pcial Record!^, Vol. XII, Part I, p. 382. 

2 Life of Jackson^ by his wife, p. 247. 



idem, p. 249. 



THE BATTLE OP KERNSTOWN 125 

his life as a testimonial to his courage. Jackson's 
men, on the other hand, learned a great lesson in 
discipline. Never again did they retire from a field 
because the ammunition gave out. 

The fierce attack made by Jackson's 3,000 Con- 
federates at Kernstown resulted, it is true, in a 
tactical defeat. Strategically, however, Jackson 
won a great victory. Wide-reaching results in 
favor of the Confederates were gained throughout 
the field of operations stretching from the moun- 
tains of West Virginia to the James River. ^'The 
enemy's strength was about 15,000!"^ This was 
the message sent to President Lincoln by the Federal 
commander Shields, at the close of the battle at 
Kernstown. Then the excitement among the Fed- 
eral leaders began. During the night that followed 
the battle, the division under Williams, 8, 000 strong, 
which had crossed the Shenandoah on the way to 
Manassas, was hurried back to Winchester. Banks 
himself returned to take charge of his forces in the 
Valley. Blenker's division of 10,000 men, already 
under orders to join McClellan's invading army, 
was sent from Washington to help Fremont in the 
mountains of western Virginia. McDowell's corps 
of 37,000 soldiers, which was ready to sail down 
the Potomac to Fortress Monroe, was ordered by 
Lincoln to remain at Manassas for the protection of 
the city of Washington. It thus happened that 
46, 000 bayonets, those commanded by Blenker and 
McDowell, were withheld from McClellan at a crit- 
ical point in his campaign. The latter expected 
> Official Records, Vol. XII, Part I, p. 341. 



126 STONEWALL JACKSON 

McDowell's^ corps to move up York Eiver as the 
right wiDg of the army that was advancing from 
Fortress Monroe toward Richmond. The retention 
of McDowell in front of Washington, however, par- 
alyzed the movement led by McClellan, and kept 
his army on the Peninsula comparatively inactive 
for several weeks. To crown all, Lincoln withdrew 
the forces of Banks and McDowell entirely from the 
control of McClellan, and there were now four sep- 
arate and independent Federal armies in the Vir- 
ginia field of operations ; namely, the armies of 
Fremont, Banks, McDowell and McClellan, and 
these were made subject to the orders issued by 
two civilians. President Lincoln and Secretary Stan- 
ton. All of these fruits were the direct result of 
the sudden blow struck at Kernstown against three 
times their number by Jackson's 3,000 Confederates. 
Moreover, this battle marked the first stage in that 
series of routs which led to the defeat of McClellan 
in front of Eichmond in June, 1862. 



CHAPTER X 

MCDOWELL 

On the day after tlie battle at Kernstown, Baoks 
placed himself at the head of his army. Eeinforce- 
ments brought his numbers up to about 19, 000 men. 
'' Push Jackson hard," ^ was the message that came 
over the wires from McClellan. Banks had re- 
ceived from Shields the impression that Jackson's 
force amounted to 15, 000 bayonets ! He was, 
therefore, cautious. Jackson went into camp near 
Mount Jackson and Banks marched his column as 
far southward as Edenburg and Woodstock. Dur- 
ing a period of about three weeks Banks sent mes- 
sage after message to Washington, asking for sup- 
plies and wagons. Meanwhile the Confederate in- 
fantry rested and Ashby's cavalry kept the Federal 
bivouacs in a constant state of apprehension. ' ' Our 
stay at Edenburg,'' writes G. H. Gordon, a Federal 
officer, ' ' was a continuous season of artillery brawl- 
ing and picket stalking. The creek that separated 
the outposts was not more than ten yards wide. 
About one-fourth of a mile away there was a thick 
wood, in which the enemy concealed his batteries 
until he chose to stir us up, when he would sneak 
up behind the cover, open upon us at an unexpected 
moment, and retreat rapidly when we replied." ^ 

^ Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 16. 

^. G. H. Gordon's From Brook Farm to Cedar Mountain, p. 133. 



128 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Jackson knew how to secure the best possible re- 
sults through the use of cavalry. Under his direc- 
tion they constituted an active body of mounted in- 
fantry. Their fleet horses bore them quickly to the 
point of attack. Then dismounting, their unerring 
rifles made them formidable as foot-soldiers. 
Mounting again, they rode away to assail some 
other vulnerable part of the enemy's line. Or, 
thrown out as a screen, they hid from observation 
the movements of Jackson's army. 

Through the daring and skill of Ashby, Jackson 
hoped at this juncture to draw Banks farther up the 
Valley. At the same time he was asking for rein- 
forcements in order that he might attack the Federal 
forces. The army of Banks, he wrote on April 5th, 
should not be assailed in the position which it then 
occupied. ^'His position should be turned," he 
said, ''and then attacked in front from this side as 
he falls back." To this he added, " If Banks is de- 
feated, it may greatly retard McClellan's move- 
ments." ' To Mr. Boteler, a member of the Con- 
federate Congress from the Valley of Virginia, Jack- 
son wrote : ' ' What I desire is to hold the country 
as far as practicable until we are in a condition to 
advance ; and then, with God's blessing, let us make 
thorough work of it. But let us start right." To 
these words he added : ''I have only to say this ; 
that if this Valley is lost, Virginia is lost." ' 

On the following day, Ai)ril 8th, he wrote to 
Doctor E. L. Dabney, professor in the Theological 

' Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 844. 
* Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 238-239. 



Mcdowell 129 

Seminary at Hampden Sidney, Va., offering 
him the position of adjutant-general, or chief of his 
staff. "Your rank will be that of major. Your 
duties will require early rising and industry," he 
explained to Doctor Dabney.' The suggestion was 
added, however, that the staff-officer would have an 
opportunity to preach to the soldiers on Sunday. 
Soon afterwards the new adjutant arrived and on 
the next Sunday morning Major Dabney stood up in 
the presence of the troops to preach, the Bible lying 
open before him upon the head of a bass-drum. 
''During the sermon of more than an hour, Jack- 
son stood perfectly motionless, with his old cap 
drawn down to shield his eyes from the dazzling 
sunlight ; and throughout the whole sermon, an 
officer directly in front of him declares he did not 
move nor even ' wink his eyes.' " "^ 

We are told that three books were always carried 
in Jackson's haversack. These were the Bible, 
Napoleon's "Maxims of War" and Webster's Dic- 
tionary. His Bible-reading was regular and system- 
atic and the dictionary was called into use when 
he wrote letters. !N"apoleon's instructions, however, 
were studied and obeyed, perhaps, as closely as were 
the other two volumes. During these days of 
waiting, Jackson was planning the details of his 
great campaign in the Valley. 

According to Jackson's statement his men were 
' ' in excellent spirits. ' ' They believed that they had 
struck the enemy a heavy blow. The Confederate 



Johnson's Life of Bobert L. Dabney ^ p. 177. 
Cooke's Jackson, pp. 128-129. 



130 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Cougress thanked them for their gallantry iu battle. 
Eecruits came in rapidly. The peoijle of three 
religious denominations in the Valley refused to 
fight but Jackson enlisted them as teamsters. He 
asked for muskets and, when these were not forth- 
coming, demanded iron pikes. ^^ Under Divine 
blessing, ' ' he wrote, ' *■ we must rely upon the 
bayonet when firearms cannot be furnished." * By 
the middle of April he had a force of 4,000 infantry 
and 2,000 cavalry. Ashby, however, did not hold 
a strong rein upon his troopers and one half of them 
Avere usually roaming over the country, absent 
from the post of duty. Since Mr. Benjamin, Secre- 
tary of War, had given Ashby authority to manage 
his men as an independent body of soldiers, Jackson 
was unable to enforce discipline among the horsemen. 
Their leader himself, however, with a part of his 
force, was making his name terrible to the enemy. 

Early on the morning of April 17th, Banks ad- 
vanced with his army toward Mount Jackson. One 
of Ashby' s companies was surprised and captured. 
Banks threw out a brigade toward the flank of 
Jackson's army. The latter, however, was not 
strong enough to meet the Federal forces at that 
point. Jackson, therefore, withdrew through Har- 
risonburg in the direction of the Blue Eidge, and on 
the 19th his men went into camp at the foot of 
Swift Eun Gap. During this march Ashby' s men 
played a gallant part as Jackson's rear-guard. A 
week later Banks crept slowly southward and oc- 
cupied Harrisonburg. 

1 Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 845. 



Mcdowell 131 

General Johnston had now moved his army from 
Gordousville through Eichmond to meet McClellan 
at Yorktown on the Lower Peninsula. Johnston had 
left General Ewell, however, with a force of 8,000 
men on the Upper Eappahannock. Jackson at 
Swift Eun Gap was in close touch with Ewell across 
the Blue Eidge. It is true that Banks by a vigorous 
movement might have sent a part of his army to 
seize the bridge across the Shenandoah and thus 
hold Jackson at bay near the Blue Eidge while the 
remainder of the Federal force should march to 
Staunton and there capture the railway leading to 
Eichmond. Jackson's knowledge of Banks led him 
to believe that the latter was too cautious to 
attempt so bold a movement, and that the Fed- 
eral army would not advance any farther toward 
Staunton, because it was now possible for the Con- 
federate forces to assail Banks in the rear. A swift 
march down the south branch of the Shenandoah 
to Luray and thence across the Massanuttons to New 
Market would accom]3lish this end. 

Jackson's strategy had thus far been successful. 
He had drawn Banks into tlie position which he 
wished the Federal forces to occupy. To appreciate 
this fact, let us glance at the map and observe the 
location of the Massanutton Mountains. This mass 
of ridges'is only about fifty miles in length and oc- 
cupies the center of the Valley of Virginia from 
Harrisonburg northward to Strasburg. The range 
is of ecxual height with the Blue Eidge and its sides 
are covered with dense forests of oak and pine. The 
Massanuttons are practically impassable except at 



132 STONEWALL JACKSON 

one point ne^r the middle of the range, where a good 
road leads through a gap in the ridges from New 
Market to Luray. The Luray Valley, which lies east 
of the Massauuttons, and through which flows the 
South Fork of the Shenandoah, is about ten miles 
in width and is clothed with heavy forests. A single 
roadway passes along this valley, crossing the river 
again and again over wooden bridges. The Valley 
of the North Fork, lying west of the Massauuttons, 
is wide and oi^en and three highways are offered to 
the traveler from Woodstock to Harrisonburg. 
Banks at the latter i^oint was in daily apprehension. 
He was afraid to advance toward Staunton. He did 
not wish to retreat and yet he did not know from 
what direction, front or rear, Jackson' s forces might 
rush to the attack. 

Jackson had to consider a wider field of operation, 
however, than the Valley of Virginia. The moun- 
tains of western Virginia were still filled with his 
foes. Near the end of the month of April the army 
of Banks at Harrisonburg had been reinforced until 
it was 20, 000 strong. On the south branch of the 
Potomac Fremont was leading a force of about 18,000 
men toward Staunton. Against Fremont the high- 
way was defended by a Confederate force of 2,800 
bayonets under EdAvard Johnson. When Jackson 
moved eastward across the Valley to Swift Run Gap, 
Johnson fell back to West View, a point just seven 
miles west of Staunton. There was danger that he 
would be caught between the armies of Banks and 
Fremont. Jackson, however, was forming plans to 
deliver Johnson from his place of peril. Fremont 



Mcdowell 133 

had separated his forces. Milroy's brigade had ad- 
vanced to McDowell, a village located twenty -seven 
miles northwest of Staunton ; Schenck's brigade 
was at Franklin ; Fremont held another brigade at 
Eomney and Blenker's division was marching to- 
ward the latter point. Jackson wished to strike 
while the Federal brigades were thus far removed 
from one another. 

Jackson established a line of couriers across the 
Blue Eidge and kept himself in close touch with 
Ewell. Letters were written nearly every day. 
Maps were made, roads examined, Ewell's exact 
route was pointed out and an officer was sent to 
guide him. Jackson gave his personal attention to 
all of these matters. No detail escaped him. Ewell 
was told that he need not make a forced march ; 
that he must encamp at crossroads, rest his troops 
on Sunday, and bring five days' rations. All of 
Jackson's plans, however, were kept from his own 
staff-officers. To them he revealed nothing and one, 
in chagrin, wrote to a friend : ' ' As sure as you and 
I live, Jackson is a cracked man and the sequel will 
show it ! " ' 

Lee wrote to Jackson that McDowell was again 
moving on Fredericksburg in order to threaten 
Eichmond from that point. Jackson, therefore, 
gave his attention to the operations in progress on 
the Eappahannock and told Ewell to wait until the 
enemy's purpose should become more evident. 
When Banks, therefore, made the movement already 
mentioned, — namely, the advance from New Market 
^ Henderson's Jackson, Vol, I, p. 283. 



134 STONEWALL JACKSON 

to Harrisonburg, — Jacksou asked for a reinforce- 
ment of 5,000*inen. ''Now, as it appears to me," 
lie wrote on April 28tli, '' is the golden opportunity 
for striking a blow.'^ ^ 

On April 29tli, Jackson wrote to Lee, suggesting 
that one of three plans should be adopted : ''Either 
to leave Ewell here [Swift Eun Gap] to threaten 
Banks's rear in the event of his advancing on 
Staunton, and move with my command rapidly on 
the force in front of General Edward Johnson ; or 
else, cooperating with Ewell, to attack the enemy's 
detached force between New Market and the Shen- 
andoah [Luray Gap], and if successful in this, then 
to press forward and get in Banks's rear at New 
Market and thus induce him to fall back ; the third 
is to pass down the Shenandoah to Sperryville [east 
of the Blue Eidge] , and thus threaten Winchester 
via Front Eoyab" ' Of the three plans, Jackson 
stated that his preference was for the first ; that is, 
to attack Milroy west of Staunton and then to march 
against Banks. "If he should be routed," ran 
Jackson's letter, "and his command destroyed, 
nearly all our own forces here could, if necessary, 
cross the Blue Eidge to Warrenton, Fredericks- 
burg, or any other threatened point." ^ 

General Lee's answer, dated May 1st, left to Jack- 
son himself the authority to select one of the three 
proposed plans of operatioD. Jackson, however, 
did not wait for a reply. The time was ripe for 

1 Otfieial Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 864. 
^iflJem, p. 865. 

2 Idem. 



Mcdowell iss 

action and he began his first movement in the cam- 
paign. On April 30th he left his camp and marched 
up the Shenandoah toward Port Eepublic. The 
same afternoon Ewell crossed the Blue Eidge with 
8,000 men and occupied Jackson's former position 
at the western foot of Swift Kun Gap. 

The advance of Jackson's column was slow. The 
roads were already soft and a heavy rain began to 
fall. The wagons sank axle-deep in the mud. 
Stones and brushwood were thrown into the road- 
bed but these soon disappeared. ' ' The general and 
his staff," writes Dabney, '^were soon dismounted 
urging on the laborers j and he carried stones and 
timber upon his own shoulders, with his uniform be- 
spattered with mud like a common soldier's." ^ The 
artillerymen had to march at night. One of them 
tells us that the mud was nearly up to his knees 
^'and frequently over them. The bushes on the 
sides of the road, and the darkness, compelled us to 
wade right in. There were swearing and growling, 
^flanders and flounders.' An infantryman was 
cursing ' Stonewall ' most eloquently, when the old 
Christian rode by, and, hearing him, said, in his 
short way, 'It's for your own good, sir.' " ' Three 
days were required for a march of twelve miles. At 
the end of that time, however, the wagons and guns 
were lifted from the slough of mud and water to a 
solid roadway at the foot of Brown's Gap near Port 
Eepublic. 

On Saturday morning. May 3d, Jackson's col- 

* Dabney's Jackson^ p. 339. 

^ Story of a Cannoneer Under Stonewall Jackson, p. 44. 



136 STONEWALL JACKSON 

umn moved eastward along the stony road tliat led 
across the Bite Ridge to Charlottesville. The sun 
was making the earth glad after the long period of 
rainfall, but the hearts of the Valley soldiers sank 
within them when they turned their backs upon 
their homes. They supi^osed that they were on the 
way to Eichmond to help Johnston. Only one man 
in the army, the adjutant-general, knew that Jack- 
son's i^urpose was to move to Staunton over a long 
circuit, first toward eastern Virginia and thence 
westward over the railroad. At the close of the 
day the soldiers went into bivouac at Mechum's 
River, a station on the Virginia Central Railway, a 
few miles west of Charlottesville. Long trains of 
cars were standing on the tracks, ready to carry the 
men forward on their journey. The dawn of Sun- 
day came clear and soft and Jackson hoped that 
they might spend the day resting in camp. A mes- 
sage came from Edward Johnson, however, to the ef- 
fect that he was closely pressed by the enemy west of 
Staunton. ''After hard debate with himself and 
with sore reluctance," says Dabney, Jackson ordered 
his soldiers to enter the cars while the guns and 
wagons proceeded upon the highway. On Sunday 
afternoon the trains steamed into Staunton and reg- 
iment after regiment began to file through the 
streets. Pickets were posted on every road leading 
west and north and no person whatever was allowed 
to pass toward the Federal positions. The hearts of 
the people of Staunton were filled with joy. They 
had heard that Jackson's army had left the Valley 
and they were in momentary expectation of seeing 



Mcdowell 137 

the forces of botli Banks and Milroy enter their 
streets. Now their own soldiers had suddenly re- 
turned and they had a new sense of security. The 
next day the remainder of Jackson's forces arrived 
and he was ready, in conjunction with Edward 
Johnson, to strike a blow at Milroy. On Tuesday, 
May 6th, the trooiJS were allowed to rest in camp at 
Staunton. 

Meanwhile, Ashby's horsemen had played well 
their part in concealing Jackson's march. A line 
of troopers, constantly on guard, kept all accurate 
news from reaching the Federal camp at Harrison- 
burg. On the night of April 30th, Banks asked 
permission of the Washington authorities to leave 
the Valley in order that he might cross the Blue 
Eidge toward Gordonsville. "Jackson's army is 
reduced, demoralized, on half rations." he wrote. 
"They are all concentrating for Eichmond. The 
movement suggested [across Blue Eidge] . . . 
is the most safe and effective disposition possible 
for our corps. I pray your favorable consideration. 
Such order will electrify our force." On May 5th, 
however. Banks folded his tents and moved back to 
New Market, for his scouts told him that Jackson 
was marching toward Harrisonburg. At the same 
time. General McDowell, in command of the Federal 
forces on the Eappahannock Eiver, east of the Blue 
Eidge, sent a report to Washington that Jackson 
was in his neighborhood. Moreover, Milroy was 
boasting on the 6th that within forty eight hours 
he expected to occupy Staunton ! All of these 
Federal officers were soon to be "electrified," as 



138 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Bauks suggested, but not by an order from Wash- 
ington. 

Early on the morning of May 7th, Jackson's 
army marched westward from Staunton, with 
Edward Johnson's regiments leading the way. The 
Third Brigade, under William B. Taliaferro, moved 
behind Johnson ; the Second, under Campbell, 
came next ; and the rear was brought up by the 
Stonewall Brigade, under Charles S. Winder. The 
corps of cadets of the Virginia Military Institute, in 
bright uniforms, joined the army at Staunton and 
marched away under their famous teacher to meet 
the enemy in battle. 

At the foot of the Shenandoah Mountain a Fed- 
eral picket was driven back and a Federal camp 
was seized. The Confederates went into bivouac on 
both sides of the mountain. On the same night 
Milroy concentrated his force of 3,700 men at Mc- 
Dowell, a village at the foot of Bull Pasture Moun- 
tain and sent a messenger to hurry up Schenck's 
brigade from Franklin, thirty -four miles in his 
rear. 

The morning of May 8th found Johnson's six 
regiments again leading Jackson's advance. The 
other brigades were coming up in the rear. On the 
top of Bull Pasture Mountain, the head of the 
column was halted and Jackson and Johnson rode 
forward to Sitlington's Hill on the left of the turn- 
pike. From that point they were able to look 
down upon McDowell, which was located near 
the base of the hill. In the valley, around the 
village, the forces of Milroy were encamped. 



Mcdowell 139 

Jolinson's regiments were led forward to Sitling- 
ton's Hill and ordered to hold the position. 

Jackson kept the remainder of his troops some 
distance in the rear. He hoped that Milroy was 
ignorant of his junction with Johnson's forces and 
that only the 2, 800 bayonets of the latter occupied 
the mountain. Meanwhile, Jackson sent an officer 
to search for a roadway leading across the Bull 
Pasture Mountain to the rear of Mikoy's position. 
He expected to move a strong force of artillery and 
infantry by a circuitous route and thus to strike the 
road west of the Federal camp and cut off tlieir re- 
treat. Orders were issued by Jackson to this effect, 
but at half past four in the afternoon Milroy' s 
brigade advanced boldly against Johnson up the 
steep slopes of Sitlington Hill. Schenck's brigade 
had arrived after a forced march from Franklin, 
and with nearly 7,000 men now under his orders, 
Milroy considered himself strong enough to take the 
offensive. Jackson allowed Johnson to direct the 
fighting on the hilltop. The struggle soon became 
fierce, for Milroy' s front line, 2,500 strong, made up 
of regiments from Ohio and West Virginia, fought 
with great courage. Johnson's force of 2,700 men 
met them at the crest of the hill. Although the 
Federal troops were ascending a steep acclivity, 
they had an advantage over their foes, because the 
Confederate bullets flew over their heads. The 
Twelfth Georgia, in the center of Johnson's line, 
stood in front of the crest without protection, and 
received the fire of the Federal rifles. Johnson at- 
tempted to move them back behind the shelter 



140 STONEWALL JACKSON 

offered by the ridge itself, but the roar of battle 
drowned his v^ice. Then he passed along the ranks 
and persuaded one wing of the regiment to fall back 
and take cover, but the men rushed again into the 
open while he was urging the other wing to recede. 
"We did not come all this way to Virginia to run 
before Yankees, ' ' said a tall Georgia youth in ex- 
planation of the spirit shown by himself and his 
comrades. Johnson placed the Forty-fourth Vir- 
ginia in reserve behind his front line, but when the 
fighting became hot, the men of this regiment left 
their position and rushed forward to take part in 
the struggle. Milroy's artillery played upon the 
Confederates at long range. Jackson, however, did 
not bring any of his guns into the fight for the 
reason that he wished to conceal his strength until 
he could send a force against the enemy's rear. 

Johnson was wounded by a musket ball and 
William B. Taliaferro brought up the Third Brigade 
and took command of the battle. The additional 
muskets silenced the enemy's fire and as darkness 
fell, Milroy retreated from the field. For the space 
of four hours the fight had been kept up with signal 
courage on both sides. The Federal loss was 256 
killed and wounded ; the Confederate, 498. Most of 
the latter fell because of the exposed position of the 
Twelfth Georgia. ■ 

While the Confederates were gathering up their 
wounded comrades, the Federal forces were build- 
ing camp-fires in the valley beyond. Jackson kept 
watch on the hilltop until midnight, for he had al- i 

ready countermanded the march of the turning 



McDowell 141 

column. At one o'clock lie went to a farmhouse 
near the battle-field and lay down upon a bed. His 
servant came with food, for he knew that the gen- 
eral had eaten nothing since morning. '' I want 
none/' he said ; ''nothing but sleep." At dawn he 
was again in the saddle, but he found that the 
Federal army had fled under cover of darkness. 
During the day, therefore, he sent this message to 
Eichmond : ' ' God blessed our arms with victory at 
McDowell yesterday." 

Jackson pressed forward in pursuit of the 
enemy. The latter set fire to the forests on the 
mountainside, however, and the narrow passes 
were filled with smoke. The Confederate advance 
was, therefore, very slow. When Jackson reached 
Franklin, he found that Blenker's division had 
come up and that Fremont's entire force was en- 
trenched at that point. He decided to return at 
once to the Valley to attack Banks. On May 12th, 
however, the Confederates were given a rest, accord- 
ing to the following order : 

*'I congratulate you on your recent victory at 
McDowell. I request you to unite with me in 
thanksgiving to Almighty God for thus having 
crowned your arms with success ; and in i^raying 
that He will continue to lead you on from victory to 
victory, until our independence shall be established, 
and make us that people wliose God is the Lord. 
Tlie chaplains will hold divine service at 10 A. M. 
on this day in their respective regiments." * 

Jackson's column returned to McDowell and 
* Dabney'a Jackson^ p. 353. 



142 STONEWALL JACKSON 

moved from that point directly toward Harrison- 
burg. The fQth was spent in camp as a day of 
prayer and fasting in obedience to the order of 
President Davis. Jackson blocked all of the moun- 
tain passes behind him, by destroying bridges and 
cutting down trees, so that Fremont was cut off from 
the Valley. 

During this return march, some of the soldiers of 
the Twenty -seventh Virginia, Stonewall Brigade, 
demanded their discharge from the army. They 
had volunteered for twelve months and their term 
of service had expired. A conscription law had 
been passed continuing them in service but they re- 
fused to accept this law as binding. Their com- 
mander. Colonel Grigsby, referred the case to Jack- 
son. The latter' s face became stern as he heard the 
story. ^^Why does Colonel Grigsby," he said, 
' ' refer to me to know what to do with a mutiny ? 
He should shoot them where they stand." ^ When 
the men learned that Jackson had given orders to 
that effect, they returned to their duty. This dis- 
X3lay of iron will had a salutary effect and these same 
soldiers were faithful ever afterward. 

Jackson's success at McDowell might have been 
much greater, if he had thrown his whole force into 
the fight. The hasty retreat of Milroy, moreover, 
thwarted his plan of a flank march around the 
Federal forces and a renewal of the battle from 
the front and the rear. But the success of Jackson's 
entire movement is not to be measured by the mere 
defeat inflicted upon Milroy. His main purpose, 
^ Dabney's Jackson^ p. 354. 



Mcdowell 143 

the isolation of Fremont's force of 19,000 men, was 
completely gained. The latter was now cut off in 
the western mountains and his most direct pathway 
to the Valley was blocked. Banks had fallen back 
to Strasburg, Ewell rode from Harrisonburg to 
meet Jackson and the way was open for a con- 
junction of their forces against Banks. Moreover, 
the news of Jackson's success at McDowell brought 
a gleam of joy to the defenders of Eichmond at the 
time when Joseph E. Johnston's army was retreat- 
ing up the Peninsula from Yorktown before the 
overwhelming force led by McClellan. 



CHAPTER XI 

WINCHESTER 

Dark clouds were hovering over the Southern 
Confederacy in May, 1862, when Jackson's army 
returned from McDowell to the Valley of Virginia. 
More than a month before this time, Albert Sidney 
Johnston had fallen in battle at Shiloh, Tenu., and 
his Confederate army had been driven from the 
field. Then Farragut captured New Orleans ; af- 
terward the upper part of the Mississippi Eiver, 
north of Memphis, had passed under Federal con- 
trol. The Florida coasts were lost and a part of the 
North Carolina coast had been seized by Federal 
troops. McClellan's force of 112,000 men had 
marched up the Peninsula and on May Kith his 
advance went into camp at the White House on the 
Pamunkey, twenty miles from Eichmond. Mc- 
Dowell's corps of 40,000 was encamped near Fred- 
ericksburg, ready to march to the aid of McClellan. 
The Virginia (Merrimac) had been destroyed, Nor- 
folk was abandoned by the Confederates and the 
Federal gunboats were steaming up the James Eiver 
to a point not far from the Confederate capital. 
Johnston's army, threatened by three times its 
numbers, was the only defence of Eichmond. 

On May 16th, Lee wrote to Jackson as follows : 



WIKCHESTER 145 

*' Whatever movement you make against Banks, 
do it speedily, and if successful, drive him back to- 
ward the Potomac and create the imi3ressiou, as far 
as practicable, that you design threatening that 
line." * On the following day, however. General 
Johnston, who was Jackson's immediate suj)erior, 
ordered Ewell to return to Gordonsville, while Jack- 
son was to watch the movements of Banks. These 
orders from Lee and Johnston were, of course, con- 
tradictory. Ewell rode through the night without 
escort to Jackson's camp near Mount Solon. The 
two spent together a portion of Sunday, May 18th. 
Jackson said with reference to Johnston's order, 
''Then Providence denies me the privilege of strik- 
ing a decisive blow for my country ; and I must be 
satisfied with the humble task of hiding my little 
army about these mountains, to watch a superior 
force." ^ Upon further conference with Ewell, how- 
ever, Jackson decided not to give up his plan against 
Banks without protest. He ordered Ewell to re- 
main in the Valley and a telegram was sent to Lee, 
requesting authority for the proposed movement. 
This course was taken at the suggestion of Ewell, 
whose heart was enlisted in Jackson's scheme. 
Ewell rode rapidly back to Swift Run Gap and on 
Monday, May 19th, both he and Jackson moved 
forward against Banks. The reply to the telegram 
brought authority from both Johnston and Lee to 
strike the Federal forces. 

The Army of the Valley, now under Jackson's or- 



1 Official Records, Vol. XII, Part I, p. 494. 



Dabney's Jackson, p. 359. 



146 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ders, consisted of about 16,000 men. Jackson's 
division, 6,000 strong, was made uj) of the First 
Brigade, led by Winder 5 tiie Second Brigade, 
led by Campbell ; the Third Brigade under Talia- 
ferro ; Ashby's cavalry, and twenty-two field-guns. 
EwelPs division, 7,500 men, was formed from the 
brigades of Taylor, Trimble, and Stewart. Johns- 
ton's division, 2,500 strong, now led by Elzey and 
Scott, was attached to EwelPs command. The lat- 
ter had twenty-six guns. 

Two marches from Mount Solon brought Jackson's 
division through Harrisonburg to New Market. He 
went into bivouac there on the afternoon of May 
20th. On the same day Eichard Taylor, son of 
ex-President Zachary Taylor, led his Louisiana 
brigade from E well's camp to join Jackson. Taylor 
himself describes the arrival of his men at New 
Market. One of his regiments was made up of 
Acadians who possessed all the light gaiety of their 
French ancestors, and whose music and dancing at 
once attracted the attention of Jackson's moun- 
taineers. Taylor writes : 

'' A mounted officer was dispatched to report our 
approach and select a camj) which proved to be be- 
yond Jackson's forces, then lying in the fields on 
both sides of the Valley pike. Over 3,000 strong, 
neat in fresh clothing of gray with white gaiters, 
bands playing at the head of their regiments — not a 
straggler, but every man in his place, stepping 
jauntily as if on ijarade, though it had marched 
twenty miles or more — in open column, with the 
rays of the declining sun flaming on polished bayo- 
nets, the brigade moved down the hard, smooth 



WmCHESTEE 147 

pike, and wheeled on to the camping-ground. 
Jackson's men by thousands had gathered on either 
side of the road to see us pass. 

' ' After attending to necessary camp details, I 
sought Jackson, whom I had never met. The 
mounted officer who had been sent on in advance, 
pointed out a figure jDcrched on the topmost rail of 
a fence overlooking the road and field, and said it 
was Jackson. Approaching, I saluted and declared 
my name and rank, then waited for a response. 
Before this came, I had time to see a pair of cavalry 
boots covering feet of gigantic size, a mangy cap 
with visor drawn low, a heavy dark beard and weary 
eyes, eyes I afterward saw filled with intense but 
never brilliant light. A low, gentle voice inquired 
the road and distance marched that day. ^ Keezle- 
town road, six-and-twenty miles.' 'You seem to 
have no stragglers.' 'Never allow straggling.' 
' You must teach my people ; they straggle badly.' 
A bow in reply. Just then my Creoles started their 
band for a waltz. After a contemplative suck at a 
lemon, ' thoughtless fellows for serious work ' came 
forth. I expressed a hope that the work would not 
be less well done because of the gaiety. A return to 
the lemon gave me the opportunity to retire. 
Where Jackson got his lemons ' no fellow could find 
out,' but he was rarely without one. To have lived 
twelve miles from that fruit would have disturbed 
him as much as it did the witty Dean." ' 



Late that night Jackson came to Taylor's camp- 
fire and sat for a long time in solemn silence. Be- 
yond some further questions about the marching of 
the Louisiana men and the statement that the whole 
force would move at dawn, Jackson said nothing. 

^Taylor's Destruction and Reconstruction, pp. 54-56. 



148 STONEWALL JACKSON 

*'If silence l^e golden, lie was a 'bonanza,' " says 
Taylor. ^ 

In the gray of the moruiug, the column was 
formed and moved northward, the Louisiana bri- 
gade in advance. After marching a short distance, 
the men were turned eastward and began to cross 
the Massanuttons. This was a surprise, for the 
soldiers had su]3posed that they were moving di- 
rectly toward Strasburg to attack Banks. Jackson, 
mounted on his famous horse, '' Little Sorrel," rode 
with Taylor. ' ' From time to time, ' ' says the latter, 
"a courier would gallop up, report and return to- 
ward Luray."*^ The visor of Jackson's cap was 
drawn down over his face and he made the journey 
across the mountains in silence. Not one word of 
his puriDOse to move via Front Eoyal against the 
flank of Banks's army escaped the general's lips. 

At Luray the remainder of EwelPs force, which 
had marched down the south branch of the Shenan- 
doah, joined Jackson's column. The early dawn of 
May 22d found the army again in motion, Ewell's 
division leadiug the way down the Luray Valley. 
AVhen the advanced-guard was within ten miles of 
Front Royal, Jackson's tired soldiers lay down by 
the roadside to rest through the night. 

Jackson was ready to strike a decisive blow just 
at the moment when McClellan was making final 
preparations to attack Johnston in front of Rich- 
mond. The Federal leaders did not suspect Jack- 
son's presence in the Luray Valley. When he fell 

^ Taylor's Destruction and Reconstruction^ p. 57. 
5 Hem, p. 58. 



WINCHESTER 149 

back from Franklin, it was supposed that he would 
give no further trouble to Banks. One-half of the 
latter' s force under Shields had been sent across the 
Blue Eidge to reinforce McDowell at Fredericks- 
burg. Toward this town Lincoln and Stanton set 
forth on May 23d, for they wished to review Mc- 
Dowell's corps as it was on the eve of departing for 
Eichmond. With McDowell' s aid, McClellan would 
easily capture Eichmond and the war would then 
be over ! 

In the Valley, Banks had a force of 10,000 men. 
A body of 7,400 Federal soldiers behind strong 
earthworks and supported by sixteen guns in posi- 
tion were looking toward Harrisonburg, expecting 
Jackson to attack in front. A detachment of 1,450 
men occupied Winchester. Colonel Kenly with 
1,000 men held Front Eoyal and two companies 
were watching the line between that point and Stras- 
burg. Geary's brigade, 2,000 strong, was posted on 
the eastern slope of the Blue Eidge, nineteen miles 
from Kenly' s position. 

When the sun arose in a clear sky on the morn- 
ing of May 23d, its beams were reflected from the 
bayonets of Jackson's army, already moving for- 
ward upon Front Eoyal. A young woman. Belle 
Boyd, afterward famous as a Confederate spy, 
dashed oiit of the forest on horseback and told Jack- 
son the exact location of the Federal forces at that 
place. He made arrangements, therefore, to attack 
from two opposite directions. 

The cavalry crossed the river on the left and 
moved down between Strasburg and Front Eoyal. 



150 STONEWALL JACKSON 

The head of thp infantry column turned to the right, 
climbed a steep, rough path until the men came by 
a circuit to the eastern side of the town. A line of 
skirmishers suddenly rushed from the forest and as- 
sailed Kenly ' s pickets. The Federal forces retreated 
through the streets and made a stand upon a ridge 
near the river, delivering a hot fire from two pieces 
of artillery. Jackson's troops were advancing in 
front and on the flank, when the Federal commander 
heard that Confederate cavalry was galloping 
down between the rivers in his rear. The two 
branches of the Shenandoah unite a short distance 
north of Front Eoyal, and the Federal forces had to 
cross both streams in their flight toward Winches- 
ter. They fired the bridges as they ran, but Tay- 
lor's Louisiana soldiers, making rapid pursuit, 
rushed into the flames and extinguished them. 
There was a delay of the infantry at the bridge over 
the North Fork, however, and Jackson urged four 
squadrons of the Sixth Virginia cavalry through 
its swiftly flowing current. He himself rode with 
the men in hot pursuit down the turnpike. At 
Cedarville, three miles from the river, Kenly halted 
his retreating column and turned to meet the pur- 
suers. The Confederates did not pause. When 
Jackson saw the enemy, at once ' ' he gave the order 
to charge with a voice and air whose peremptory 
determination was communicated to the whole 
party." There were only 250 Confederate horse- 
men, but Colonel Flournoy led them to the attack. 
They rode four abreast along the highway, with 
supporting squadrons on each side charging through 



WINCHESTER 151 

the fields. Pistol shots rang out as they drew near 
the Federal line. Then sabres were drawn. The 
Federal gunners were cut to pieces, and the infantry 
was captured. Flournoy's troopers brought back 
600 Federal prisoners and two Parrott guns. It 
was Jackson's quick eye that recognized the oppor- 
tunity to strike a deadly blow, but he gave all the 
credit to the horsemen who made the charge. He 
declared afterward to his staff, says Dabney, ^'that 
he had never, in all his experience of warfare, seen 
a cavalry charge executed with such efficiency and 
gallantry." ^ 

Kenly's force was practically destroyed and prop- 
erty to the amount of $300,000 was captured, while 
the Confederates lost only twenty-six men, killed 
and wounded. The fighting on their side had been 
carried on by the cavalry and the advanced-guard of 
the infantry. When Jackson's main army reached 
Front Eoyal, night had fallen. During the past 
five days the men had marched about ninety miles. 
The long, circuitous journey over the rough hills 
toward the eastern side of the town had added to 
their weariness. A courier was sent by Jackson to 
turn aside his rear brigades from this steep path- 
way, but the inexperienced boy failed to deliver the 
message. During the afternoon, however, Ashby's 
cavalry captured the two Federal companies at 
Buckton and the way was now open to Strasburg 
and Winchester. 

The news of the capture of Kenly's force was slow 
in reaching Banks. Jackson's attack was made at 

^ Dabney 's Jackson, p. 368. 



152 STONEWALL JACKSON 

one o* clock, but^the sleepy lionrs of the hot summer 
afternoon were si)ent in silence in the camp at Stras- 
burg. At four a trooper dashed through the little 
town to tell the Federal commander that something 
was astir in the direction of Buckton. A regiment 
and two guns started in haste toward that point 
and men began to inquire, '' Is it a cavalry raid, or 
is it Stonewall Jackson?" When further reports 
came from the field, Banks refused to believe that 
Jackson was near. At midnight a fugitive from 
Front Eoyal sent this message : ' ' Kenly is killed. 
First Maryland cut to pieces. Cavalry ditto. The 
enemy's forces are 15,000 or 20,000 strong, and on 
the march to Strasburg." Banks paid no heed and 
early on the morning of the 24th, he telegraphed to 
Washington that Ewell's division had probably 
marched down the Luray Valley to Front Eoyal 
and that Jackson was still in front of him near 
Harrisonburg. About ten o'clock in the forenoon 
of the 24th, however, Banks became suddenly aware 
of the fact that Jackson's army was drawing near 
his camp. Then the sound of Jackson's guns smote 
upon his ears, and there was a wild rush of the 
Federal forces down the turnpike toward Win- 
chester. 

When Jackson set his army in motion at Front 
Eoyal on the morning of May 24th, he had no easy 
task before him. He did not know the exact num- 
ber of men in the army under Banks. Moreover, 
there were three different ways of escape open to 
the Federal forces and Jackson did not know which 
of these Banks would select. The latter might 



WINCHESTER 153 

make a stand at Strasburg in the hope that Fre- 
mont would march to his aid ; he might retreat to 
Winchester; or, in case Jackson marched to that 
place, he might move via Front Royal and pass 
eastward through Manassas Gap. To meet all three 
of these contingencies, Jackson's forces marched 
in the following order: Ashby's horsemen moved 
directly toward Strasburg ; Jackson himself led 
Taylor's Louisiana brigade to seize Middletown, a 
village on the turni)ike, five miles north of Stras- 
burg, and Jackson's own division came behind 
Taylor ; George H. Stewart's two regiments of cav- 
alry were sent in the direction of Newtown on the 
turnpike ; Ewell, with the remainder of his division, 
advanced along the roadway leading to Winchester. 
Stewart reached Newtown to find the turnpike 
crowded with wagons moving northward toward 
Winchester. His attack threw them all into con- 
fusion, but the advanced-guard of Banks's army, 
also on the march northward, soon drove Stewart's 
horsemen away. The roadway followed by Jack- 
son's main column toward Middletown was rough. 
His men were worn out by their recent marches, 
and the horses were jaded. Moreover, Banks sent 
a strong force of infantry and cavalry along this 
route toward Front Royal to check Jackson's ad- 
vance. 'Heavy skirmishing took place in the dense 
woods and Taylor's brigade made slow progress 
toward Middletown. When the Louisiana men 
reached that point, most of the Federal infantry 
had already escaped in the direction of Winchester. 
Just behind the Federal foot-soldiers, however, came 



154 STONEWALL JACKSON 

a body of Fedei^al cavalry, 2,000 strong. Jackson's 
batteries galloped forward and opened upon the 
column of horsemen. The Louisiana soldiers formed 
line, ran to the head of the village street and poured 
in a volley. The Northern squadrons made a des- 
perate dash to escape down the turnpike, but Asliby 
had now arrived upon the scene and his horsemen, 
galloping across the fields, headed off the fugitives. 
Some of Taylor's men from behind the roadside 
fences delivered their fire at short range. Carnage 
and destruction reigned in the roadway, which ''was 
literally obstructed," says Jackson's report, "with 
the mingled and confused mass of struggling and 
dying horses and riders." ^ About 200 prisoners 
were taken and the remainder of the Federal horse- 
men who had not fallen escaped into the hills to the 
westward. 

Jackson now learned that Banks's infantry had, 
for the time, eluded him. He, therefore, sent 
Ashby in front and ordered all of his infantry to 
follow fast down the pike in j^ursuit of the retreat- 
ing Federals. At Newtown, Ashby' s men caught 
up with the convoy of wagons, and drove the team- 
sters in flight, but many of the troopers began to 
pillage. The rich stores of supplies were more than 
the half-starving Confederates could resist. Banks 
organized a strong rear-guard and kept back the 
small body of cavalrymen who still rode on with 
Ashby. 

Jackson placed the Stonewall Brigade in front on 
the turnpike and led his entire force in pursuit of 
Wfficial Records, Vol. XII, Part I, p. 704. 



WINCHESTER 155 

Banks. The Federal rear- guard at Newtown was 
quickly driven away and the Confederates moved 
forward. Darkness settled down, but Jackson's 
men tramped wearily along the highway by the light 
of burning wagons, the fragments of Banks's supply- 
train. Most of the Confederates had already 
marched twenty miles and had not eaten since five 
in the morning. Jackson was determined, however, 
to press forward through the night until he could 
seize the hills between Kernstown and Winchester. 
There was not a moment's pause. The men en- 
livened the march by songs and cheers, while the 
general, with a few cavalrymen, rode at the front in 
the place of danger. General Gordon managed the 
Federal rear-guard with great skill and courage, and 
offered resistance to the Confederates on every ridge 
and at every stream. Again and again Jackson and 
his escort fell into ambuscades, formed by the 
Federal riflemen, posted behind the stone fences. 
*^ Suddenly the fire appeared," writes Dabney, 
^' dancing along the top of the wall, accompanied by 
the sharp explosion of the rifles, and the bullets 
came hissing up the road. ' ' At each fresh outbreak 
of musketry, Jackson's order was given in com- 
manding tones, ''Charge them ! " At Bartonsville 
the Federal regiment in the rear made a stubborn 
fight. The entire Stonewall Brigade had to be de- 
ployed and pushed forward in line before Gordon's 
riflemen withdrew. Then Jackson sent his cavalry 
to the rear and placed a line of riflemen in front as 
skirmishers. These moved forward on each side of 
the turnpike through the fields and across the ditches. 



156 STONEWALL JACKSON 

In the midst of the deep darkness the flashes 
of the enemy's vollej^s could be seen, but there was 
no halt. The iron-willed Jackson was still riding at 
the front, regardless of Federal bullets, filled with 
the determination that Banks should not escape 
without a battle. "A long, weary night it was," 
writes an artilleryman j ' ' the most trying I ever 
passed, in war or out of it. . . . Step by step we 
moved along, halting for five minutes j then on a few 
steps and halt again." ^ 
General Taylor says : 



^' I rode with Jackson through the darkness. An 
ofticer, riding hard, overtook us, who proved to be 
the chief quartermaster of the army. He reported 
the wagon-trains far behind, impeded by a bad road 
in the Luray Valley. 'The ammunition wagons? ' 
sternly. 'AH right, sir. They were in advance, 
and I doubled teams on them and brought them 
through.' ' Ah ! ' in a tone of relief. 

"To give countenance to the quartermaster, if 
such can be given on a dark night, I remarked 
jocosely, ' Never mind the wagons. There are 
quantities of stores in Winchester, and the general 
has invited me to breakfast there to-morrow.' 
Jackson, who had no more capacity for jests than a 
Scotchman, took this seriously and reached out to 
touch me on the arm. Without physical wants 
himself, he forgot that others were differently con- 
stituted, and paid little heed to commissariat ; but 
woe to the man who failed to bring up ammunition. 
In advance, his trains were left far behind. In re- 
treat, he would fight for a wheelbarrow. ' ' ^ 

^ Story of a Cannoneer Under Stonewall JacksoUj p. 54. 
2 Destruction and Beconstruction, p. 65. 



WINCHESTER 157 

At Kernstown tlie Federal rear-guard made its last 
stand, but was soon forced to take flight. It was 
now three o'clock, only an hour before daybreak. 
Taylor's men threw themselves by the roadside to 
snatch a little rest, but the Stonewall regiments 
were still urged forward past Pritchard's Hill until 
they struck the Federal pickets near Abraham's 
Creek. Just beyond the creek stood the ridge that 
protects Winchester. The army of Banks was now 
within Jackson's grasp and he told his soldiers to 
halt. 

As the men dropped down by the roadside, the 
general himself, says Dabney, ' ' without a cloak to 
protect him from the chilling dews, stood sentry at 
the head of the column, listening to every sound 
from the front. . . . When the dawn came. 
General Jackson, in a quiet undertone, gave the 
word to march, which was passed down the 
column ; and the host rising from its short sleep, 
chill and stiff with the cold night-damps, advanced 
to battle." ^ A courier had been sent by Jackson 
during the night to order Ewell to attack the enemy. 
In the gray light of the early morning, therefore, as 
the main column moved forward on the Kernstown 
road, Ewell's men were advancing along the Front 
Eoyal road, about one mile to the right of Jackson. 
The Confederates numbered about 15,000. Banks 
had only 6,500 men but these were arranged behind 
stone walls in a strong position. 

The Stonewall Brigade led the way across Abra- 
ham's Creek and seized the first line of hills west of 
^ Dabney's Jackson, p. 376. 



158 STONEWALL JACKSON 

the turnpike. The Second Brigade extended the 
Confederate line still farther to the left. Three bat- 
teries were advanced to the top of the slope and just 
as the sun arose, lifting the mist from the little 
stream, Jackson's guns roared out a greeting to the 
Federal forces. Banks's right wing was posted be- 
hind stone fences upon a second row of hills, four 
hundred yards beyond the Confederate line. Eight 
rifled guns answered the fire of Jackson's cannon 
and a fierce artillery duel called both armies to the 
battle. One of the Confederate batteries sustained 
such heavy loss that it was withdrawn, but by seven 
o'clock the eight Federal guns were driven back. 
Then Jackson sent a strong force to turn the enemy's 
right flank. This force, made up of the brigades of 
Taylor, Taliaferro and Scott, eleven regiments in all, 
filed to the left behind Winder and Campbell. 
Jackson rode with them. Shells and musket-balls 
were hissing through the air and when some of 
Taylor's men dodged, their general with an out- 
burst of profanity rebuked them. Then one of 
the Louisiana men called out to his brigadier, 
^ ' Lead us up to where we can get at them and then 
we won't dodge." ^ Over stone walls and up the 
slope they moved steadily to the attack. Taylor on 
the extreme left had a short, sharp struggle with 
the Federal cavalry, but his advance was not 
checked. When Jackson saw Taylor and Taliaferro 
in rapid motion against the Federal flank, he gal- 
loped to the center of the position held by the 
Stonewall regiments and shouted to his officers, 
* Story of a Cannoneer Under Stonewall Jackson, p. 55. 



WINCHESTEE 159 

''Forward, after the enemy!" Elzey's brigade 
moved in close support, and the whole Confed- 
erate line advanced in a charge across the ridges. 
The morning mists had passed away and the bright 
sunlight was reflected from 10,000 bayonets. The 
' ' rebel yell ' ^ rang out across the hills and was 
answered by the yell of Ewell's men on the Front 
Eoyal road. EwelFs advanced-guard had suffered 
a repulse in the early morning, but he threw his 
regiments around the Federal left flank and drove 
the enemy back through Winchester. The army of 
Banks was forced to flee at every point, and with 
the exception of one of Gordon's Massachusetts 
regiments, lost all order and rushed wildly through 
the streets of the town. 

Jackson shared the joy and excitement of his men 
in that moment of victory. He dashed down the 
rocky slope at a gallop, far in front of his Stonewall 
riflemen, arose in his stirrups and, waving his cap in 
the direction of the enemy, shouted to his officers : 
''Press forward to the Potomac!'^ He rode to 
Taylor's side and by a grasp of his hand, expressed 
thanks for the gallant work of the Louisiana men ; 
but that hand-grasp, says Taylor, was "worth a 
thousand words from another. ' ' The Federal troops 
scattered themselves in flight across the fields be- 
yond Winchester. When the Confederates entered 
the streets, the people rushed from their homes to 
greet the victors. For two months they had been in 
captivity and now with shouts of triumph and with 
tears of joy, men, women and children gave welcome 
to Jackson's men. 



160 STONEWALL JACKSON 

It was ten o'/jlock when the Confederates emerged 
from the town and looked down the turnpike toward 
Martinsburg. The entire country was covered with 
fugitives. ' ' We must press them to the Potomac ! ' ' 
* ^ Forward to the Potomac ! ' ' These were Jackson' s 
urgent orders to his officers. The infantry, how- 
ever, was worn out with marching and fighting ; the 
artillery horses were jaded and five miles below 
Winchester, Jackson halted his regiments and told 
them to rest. 

He wrote in his ofi&cial report : ''Never have I 
seen an opportunity when it was in the power of 
cavalry to reap a richer harvest of the fruits of vic- 
tory." But the cavalry was not at hand. Ashby 
had led his troopers to Berryville to prevent, he 
said, the escape of Banks through a Blue Eidge gap. 
Stewart had gone far to the right with his two regi- 
ments to join Ewell. When Jackson sent a staff- 
of&cer to tell him to pursue the enemy, Stewart re- 
plied that he was under the immediate command of 
Ewell and that the order must come through him. 
When the horsemen at last took up the pursuit, 
Banks had organized strong rear-guards and thus 
kept on his way through Martinsburg to the Poto- 
mac. After he had placed the river between 
himself and Jackson, he wrote to Washington 
that ' ' there were never more grateful hearts, in the 
same number of men, than when at midday on the 
26th we stood on the opposite shore.'' Although 
he had lost 2,000 men and had left behind 800 sick 
soldiers and vast stores. Banks declared that his 
army ''had not suffered an attack or rout, but had 



WINCHESTER 161 

accomplished a premeditated march of near sixty- 
miles in the face of the enemy, defeating his plans, 
and giving him battle wherever he was found ! " ^ 

The Confederate soldiers threw themselves down 
beneath the shade of the trees and sought rest. 
Jackson himself, refusing food, flung himself ujDon 
a couch and slept like an infant. On the following 
day the general published an order, thanking his 
men ^*for their brilliant gallantry in action and 
their patient obedience under the hardshi^is of forced 
marches, often more painful to the brave soldier 
than the dangers of battle." Then he invited the 
whole army to take part in solemn religious exer- 
cises, '^ to recognize devoutly the hand of a protect- 
ing Providence in the brilliant successes of the last 
three days (which have given us the results of a great 
victory without great losses), and to make the obla- 
tion of our thanks to God for His mercies to us and 
our country. ' ' ^ 

Jackson's victory at Winchester wrought marvel- 
ous results. A panic seized the people of the North. 
Lincoln called upon the Northern states to send 
troops to the defence of Washington and thirteen 
governors at once responded. " Defeat of General 
Banks ! " ^'Washington in Danger ! " Such were 
the headlines in the newspapers. Stanton and Lin- 
coln believed that Jackson was marching on the cap- 
ital. They, therefore, hurried troops from Baltimore 
and Washington to Harper's Ferry. Fremont, who 
had started to join the column from the Kanawha 

* Official Records, Vol. XII, Part I, p. 573. 
^Dabney's Jackson, pp. 384-385. 



162 STONEWALL JACKSON 

River, was caUed back to the Valley. McDowell, 
just ready to march from Fredericksburg on Rich- 
mond, was ordered to send more than 21,000 men, 
half of his army, to the aid of Banks. McClellan 
himself was thus again deprived of an important 
part of his force and his whole campaign against 
Richmond was completely paralyzed. At the same 
time McClellan was told that he must attack the 
Confederate capital immediately or move back to 
the defence of Washington. 

After the battle, Jackson had sent a messenger 
to Richmond, giving his view of the situation and 
asking for instructions. In reply, Lee told him to 
threaten Washington. On the morning of the 28th, 
therefore, the Stonewall Brigade marched toward 
Harper's Ferry, which was defended by a garrison 
of 7,000 men. After a skirmish at Charlestown with 
two Federal regiments, Winder's men continued their 
advance. Ewell's division moved to the support of 
Winder and on the 29th Jackson's main army was 
in bivouac near Halltown, with one regiment on 
Loudoun Heights. Taylor' s brigade stood on guard 
at Berryville, the Twelfth Georgia held Front 
Royal and Ashby was near Wardensville, watching 
Fremont. Jackson's scouts brought him the news, 
however, that McDowell and Fremont were moving 
up rapidly to cut off his retreat. The division of 
Shields, the advanced-guard of McDowell, was in 
Manassas Gap approaching the Valley ; Fremont 
had already marched from Franklin through Moore- 
field to a point not far west of Winchester. Jackson 
decided, therefore, to retreat by the Valley turnpike 



WINCHESTER 163 

in order to save tlie iiRinense stores captured from 
Bauks. On the morning of May 30th, the main body 
of his army moved back toward Winchester, while 
the Stonewall Brigade remained in front of Harper's 
Ferry. Jackson himself returned by railway and 
as the train drew near Winchester a staff- of&cer rode 
up at a gallop and gave the signal to stop. " What 
newsV said Jackson as the officer api)roached the 
railway coach. ^^ Colonel Connor has been driven 
back from Front Eoyal." A grim smile played 
about Jackson's features for a moment ; then, lean- 
ing forward, he rested his head upon his hands and 
apparently fell asleep. Within a short time, how- 
ever, he aroused himself and turning to Mr. A. R. 
Boteler, who tells the story, said : 

^' I am going to send you to Richmond for rein- 
forcements. Banks has halted at Williamsport, and 
is being reinforced from Pennsylvania. Dix [Sax- 
ton], you see, is in my front, and is being reinforced 
by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. I have j ust 
received a dispatch, informing me of the advance of 
the enemy upon Front Royal, which is captured, 
and Fremont is now advancing toward Wardens- 
ville. Thus, you see, I am nearly surrounded by a 
very large force." 

'' What is your own, general ? " said Boteler. 

' ' I will tell you, but you must not repeat what I 
say, except at Richmond. To meet this attack, I 
have only 15,000 effective men." 

'^What will you do if they cut you off, gen- 
eral? " 

Jackson hesitated a moment and then made the 



164 STONEWALL JACKSON 

cool reply : ^'I will fall back upon Maryland for 
reinforcements. '^ ' 

There was increased excitement in the North and 
Stanton telegraphed to the various governors this 
dispatch: ^'Send forward all the troops that you 
can, immediately. Banks completely routed. In- 
telligence from various quarters leaves no doubt 
that tlie enemy, in great force, are advancing on 
Washington.'' ^ If Jackson had entered Maryland, 
there seems little doubt that McClellan's entire 
army would have been recalled from Eichmond to 
Washington. 

Early on the morning of May 31st, a body of 2,300 
prisoners, under guard, led the way up the Valley 
toward Strasburg. A double column of wagons, 
seven miles in length, carried the captured stores. 
The main body followed behind. An officer was 
sent to bring u^) the Stonewall Brigade, with the 
order to lead it around through the mountains in 
the event of the Federal troops seizing Winchester. 
It was a critical moment. The enemy were near at 
hand on each side of Jackson's pathway. His men 
marched steadily and rapidly, however, and the Fed- 
eral leaders had a wholesome fear of the energetic Con- 
federate commander. The prisoners and the wagon- 
train moved up the turnpike without hindrance and 
in the afternoon the main body of the Confederates 
went into bivouac at Strasburg. The Stonewall 
Brigade was not far behind, for it passed through 
Winchester and encamped at Newtown for the 

* Cooke's Jackson, pp. 158-159. 

2 Official Records, Vol. XII, Part I, p. 617. 



WINCHESTER 165 

night. The Second Virginia had marched, through 
rain and mud, thirty-five miles, and the other Stone- 
wall regiments twenty-eight miles. 

The dawn of Sunday, June 1st, was ushered in by 
the sound of Fremont's guns as he advanced from 
the west to strike Jackson's column in flank. 
Ashby's cavalry and Taylor's brigade formed in 
line and moved out to hold Fremont in check until 
Winder's Stonewall regiments could pass through 
Strasburg. Taylor's Louisiana veterans found their 
task easy. They rolled back Fremont's column and 
were eager to strike him a hard blow. ' ' We had a 
fine game before us," writes Taylor, ''and the 
temptation to play it was great j but Jackson's 
orders were imperative and wise. He had his 
stores to save. Shields to guard against, Lee's grand 
strategy to promote. He could not waste time 
chasing Fremont. ' ' ^ 

Sheltered thus by Taylor and Ashby, Winder's men 
marched across the front of Fremont's army. As 
Winder passed through Strasburg, Taylor's brigade 
was withdrawn and fell into the roadway as rear- 
guard. Jackson's whole army, with prisoners and 
wagons, moved slowly southward and went into 
bivouac that night at Woodstock. Fremont fol- 
lowed in pursuit. McDowell's advanced-guard of 
cavalry, riding from Front Royal, joined Fremont, 
but Ashby's horsemen formed a screen through 
which the Federal skirmishers could not penetrate. 
The crisis was past and Jackson's army was safe. 

The work of that army during the fourteen days 

^ Destruction and Reconstruction, p. 78. 



166 STONEWALL JACKSON 

from May 19th to June 1st is worthy of record. It 
had marched 1?0 miles aud defeated a body of 12,500 
Federal soldiers, had stirred the whole North by 
threatening invasion, had forced the withdrawal of 
McDowell's army from Fredericksburg and had 
captured the vast hospital and supply stores at 
Front Eoyal, Winchester and Martinsburg, includ- 
ing about ten thousand stand of small arms. When 
forces amounting to 60,000 men were advancing on 
three sides on the morning of May 30th, this Army 
of the Valley marched nearly sixty miles in two 
days and carried the vast train through the midst 
of the enemy without the loss of a wagon. ' ' The 
waters had been held back,'' writes Henderson con- 
cerning this escape, ' ' and the Confederates had 
passed through them dry-shod." ' Only 613 officers 
and men had been lost in these operations. 

With scarcely any rest for himself and with little 
food during the entire period, Jackson carefully 
planned every movement. Nearly every detail was 
carried out under his own eye. He was present 
everywhere to guide and to give encouragement. 
During the brief intervals of rest, while his men 
sought sleep, Jackson in prayer sought the aid of 
the God of battles. 

* Henderson's Jackson, Vol. I, p. 351. 



CHAPTEE Xn 

OEOSS KEYS AND PORT REPUBLIC 

As the day closed on June 1st, two separate col- 
umns of the enemy were moving rapidly in pursuit 
of Jackson. Fremont, with Bayard's cavalry in 
advance, came into touch with the Confederate rear- 
guard at Woodstock. Farther eastward, however, 
the army of Shields was in motion up the Valley of 
the South Fork^ toward Luray. Shields expected to 
cross the Massanuttons, or to move around their 
southern end, and cut off Jackson's retreat. The 
Confederate commander understood intuitively the 
plan of the Federal leader and acted too quickly for 
him. Jackson's horsemen were ordered to ride with 
all speed and burn or hold the bridges across the 
South Fork. On the night of June 2d, therefore, 
when the Federal cavalry arrived at Luray, they 
found that both bridges across the river near that 
place had been burned by the Confederates and that 
a swift, swollen stream was rolling between Shields 
and New Market. The Federal forces were then 
pushed forward up the Valley but when the ad- 
vanced-guard reached Conrad's Store at dawn on 
the 4th, the bridge there had also been destroyed 
and Shields could not reach Harrisonburg in ad- 
vance of Jackson's army. Moreover, Shields was 
forced to halt until his supply-trains could make 



168 STONEWALL JACKSON 

their way over the heavy roads to Conrad's Store. 
Meanwhile, JsKjkson kept his army in close formation 
and moved stubbornly and deliberately southward 
from Strasburg toward Harrisonburg. Ashby's 
guns and the rapid charges made by his horse- 
men held in check the advanced-guard of Fremont's 
army. On June 2d, the Federal cavalry made a 
bold dash, captured some prisoners, and drove the 
Confederate horsemen back upon the infantry. 
Jackson's men continued to burn all the bridges 
and thus delayed Fremont's march. Near Mount 
Jackson, on the 4th, after the Confederates had 
crossed the Shenandoah, Ashby remained behind 
under a hot fire until he burned that bridge. His 
famous white horse was slain but the gallant leader 
escaped without harm. The unbridged river, swollen 
by recent rains, brought Fremont to a halt for 
twenty-four hours. This gave Jackson time to ferry 
his sick and wounded across the river and send 
them to Staunton. His army passed through Har- 
risonburg and on the night of the 5th went into 
bivouac at the village of Cross Keys. 

Ashby was now in command of the infantry and 
cavalry composing the Confederate rear-guard. On 
the afternoon of the 6th, a body of 800 Federal 
horsemen charged boldly forward ; Ashby' s rifle- 
men, strongly posted in the forest upon a ridge, 
drove them back. Then the Confederate horsemen 
dashed down the road in pursuit and captured more 
than thirty cavalrymen^ including their leader. 
Colonel Percy Wyndham, an Englishman. Fre- 
mont at once sent out a larger force of cavalry, sup- 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 169 

ported by two battalions of infantry. Asliby de- 
ployed two regiments of infantry with his horsemen 
and met the enemy. A fierce fight took place near 
an open field waving with ripe wheat, where Ashby 
held the front with one of his regiments. The 
Northern fire was so hot that the Confederate regi- 
ment began to waver. The two lines were close to- 
gether and Ashby rode quickly forward and ordered 
his foot-soldiers to charge. As he uttered the com- 
mand, his horse fell to the ground, but in an in- 
stant Ashby was on his feet. ' ' Charge, men ! For 
God's sake, charge ! " he shouted. They advanced 
and the second Confederate regiment struck the 
enemy in flank. The Federal forces fled across 
the wheat-field and then the Confederate horsemen 
charged their rear and scattered them. The Federal 
loss was heavy, but unfortunately for the Confeder- 
ates, their gallant leader was no more. In the mo- 
ment of victory, when the Federal line was 
broken by the charge of the Confederate infantry, 
Ashby fell, shot through the heart. 

Ashby' s career was short but it was filled with 
glorious deeds. When Virginia called her sons into 
the field, he left his plantation and rode to Har^Dcr's 
Ferry, even before Jackson arrived at that place. 
" What flag are we going to fight under — the 
Palmetto, or what?" said one of his friends. 
Ashby raised his hat and showed in it a Virginia 
flag. '' Here is the flag I intend to fight under," he 
said. He fought under it to the last. His activi- 
ties were limited to the Valley of Virginia, but in 
that region his form and face were more familiar 



170 sto:newall jackson 

than those of any other Confederate. His men 
idolized him, ^nd he managed them in battle with 
marvelous skill. His daring courage and his 
wonderful horsemanship caused men to admire him, 
but the noble traits of his character made them 
love him. Comrades who knew Ashby well, speak 
of his great modesty, the maiden purity of his 
morals, his winning courtesy, the delicacy of his 
feeling, his generosity, unselfishness and childlike 
religious faith. 

Ashby' s death was a blow to the Army of the 
Valley and no man felt his loss more keenly than 
Jackson. He had administered a stern rebuke to 
the cavalry officer because of the lack of discipline 
manifested among the Confederate horsemen at 
Middletown, and for a time Ashby had held him- 
self apart from his commander. But his brilliant 
work as leader of the Confederate rear-guard in the 
retreat from Strasburg to Harrisonburg had won for 
him his old place in Jackson's heart. They had be- 
come completely reconciled and the latter' s tribute 
to him was that of a friend. When the body of the 
great cavalry leader was borne to the village of 
Port Eepublic, General Jackson came to the room 
where he lay and entered alone. For a time he re- 
mained there in silent communion with the dead, 
and then ^'with a solemn countenance," he left. 
''Poor Ashby is dead," wrote Jackson in an order 
sent to the cavalry. ''He fell gloriously — one of 
the noblest men and soldiers in the Confederate 
army." Later, in his official report, Jackson said : 
" An official report is not an appropriate place for 



CEOSS KEYS AND PORT EEPUBLIC 171 

more than a passing notice of the distinguished 
dead ; but the close relation which General Ashby 
bore to my command, for most of the previous 
twelve months, will justify me in saying that, as 
a partisan officer, I never knew his superior. His 
daring was proverbial, his powers of endurance al- 
most incredible, his tone of character heroic, and his 
sagacity almost intuitive in divining the purposes 
and movements of the enemy." 

The 6th and 7th of June were spent by Jackson's 
infantry in the bivouac at Cross Keys. The forests 
and fields of the Valley were clothed in the beauty 
of summer. During the principal part of these two 
days, with the excex^tion of the struggle in which 
Ash by fell, scarcely a shot was heard along the 
Shenandoah. Jackson began to think that both 
Fremont and Shields would hold back their forces and 
that no opportunity would be given him to strike the 
Federal army. On the 6th he wrote to Richmond : 
' ' At present I do not see that I can do much more than 
rest my command and devote its time to drilling." 

While Jackson was thus waiting near Port 
Republic eager for battle, Shields was busy at Luray 
erecting a bridge over the South Fork. He ex- 
pected to cross the Massanuttons with a part of his 
force and ^'thunder down on" the Confederate 
rear, while his advanced-guard, under Carroll, 
marched up the river to Waynesboro and cut the 
railroad. This latter movement, he wrote to Car- 
roll on the 6th, would '' be a splendid exploit, and 
end Jackson." ' Early on the morning of the 7th, 
1 Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 349. 



172 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Shields had further news which led him to consider 
Jackson still nearer to his "end." He, therefore, 
sent this message to Carroll whose brigade was near 
Conrad's Store on the South Fork : 

' ' The enemy passed New Market on the 5th ; 
Blenker's division on the 6th in pursuit. The 
enemy has llung away everything, [even] knap- 
sacks, and their stragglers fill the mountain. They 
only need a movement on the flank to panic- strike 
them, and break them into fragments. No man has 
had such a chance since the war commenced. Few 
men ever had such a chance. You are within thirty 
miles of a broken, retreating enemy, who still hangs 
together. Ten thousand Germans [Blenker's divi- 
sion of Fremont's army] are on his rear, who hang 
on like bulldogs. You have only to throw your- 
self down on Waynesboro before him and your 
cavalry will capture them by the thousands, seize 
his train and abundant supplies.'^ ^ 

When the day closed on June 7th, Fremont's 
army was resting quietly at Harrisonburg ; Ewell's 
division at Cross Keys was awaiting Fremont's ad- 
vance, while the main body of the Confederates had 
moved forward to a point near Port Eepublic ; the 
army of Shields was moving up from Luray, with 
the advanced-guard, under Carroll, not far from 
Port Eepublic. 

The South Fork of the Shenandoah is formed by 
the junction of two streams known as North Elver 
and South Elver ; upon the neck of land between 
these two lies the village of Port Eepublic. Near 
the junction a bridge is thrown across North Eiver, 
' Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 352. 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 173 

but tlie roadway passes South Eiver by a difficult 
ford. On the night of the 7th Jackson made his 
headquarters in the village and sent cavalry scouts 
down the eastern bank of the river to watch for the 
coming of Shields. The two armies of Fremont 
and Shields formed an aggregate force of about 
25,000 men. It was Jackson's plan, however, to 
hold apart the two armies that were already sepa- 
rated by the river and to offer battle to each one at 
a different time. 

The morning of Sunday, June 8th, dawned bright 
and peaceful. Jackson intended to give his men 
the entire day for rest and worshij). Soon after the 
sun had climbed above the eastern mountain, how- 
ever, the sharp rattle of musketry was heard in the 
direction of Ewell's camp. The general mounted 
his horse to ride toward Cross Keys, but just at 
that moment rifle shots were heard on the eastern 
bank of the river and a messenger rushed into Port 
Eepublic with startling news. The Confederate 
horsemen on outpost duty had been attacked and 
scattered and the advanced-guard of Shield's army 
was even then plunging through South Eiver and 
entering the streets of the village. There was 
barely time for Jackson to put spurs to his horse 
and to pass the bridge over North Eiver at a 
gallop, when a squadron of Federal cavalry, accom- 
panied by a field-gun, trotted into Port Eepublic. 
Two members of Jackson's staff were captured and 
the Federal gun was placed in position to com- 
mand the bridge. Another Federal gun from be- 
yond South Eiver opened fire on the town and the 



174 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Federal horsemen rode toward Jackson's wagon- 
train which stood in the fields between the rivers. 

Major R. L. Dabney, however, rallied some scat- 
tered Confederates, dragged two guns into position 
near the head of the village and drove back the 
Federal horsemen. Thus Dabney saved the wagon- 
train. Meanwhile, Jackson rode to the northern 
bank of North Eiver and found Taliaferro's brigade 
drawn up for inspection. At the general's com- 
mand, Taliaferro at once moved his leading regi- 
ment, the Thirty -seventh Virginia, toward the 
bridge. A six-pounder from one of the Confed- 
erate batteries also galloped forward. As they 
reached the top of the river bank, a gun was seen 
on the other side, posted in the village street to 
command the mouth of the bridge. It was not 
clear whether this gun was Federal or Confederate. 
"Bring that gun up here!" shouted Jackson in 
a loud voice. Receiving no reply, he called out 
across the stream in a still more angry tone, " Bring 
that gun up here, I say ! " Then the gunners began 
to move its trail in order to send a shot at Jackson. 
At once the latter called out, ''Let'em have it ! " 
and with the words a shot from one of the Con- 
federate guns went crashing among the Federal can- 
noneers. At the same moment the Thirty-seventh 
Virginia charged with a yell through the bridge. 
A heavy load of canister was aimed at the faces of 
the Confederates as they were rushing forward, but 
the Federal gunners were excited and their shot 
flew high. Another moment passed, and the gallant 
Thirty-seventh had the gun in their possession. 



CROSS KEYS AND PORT REPUBLIC 175 

The Federal cavalry was driven from the village 
and Jackson's staff-officers were set free. The Con- 
federate guns on the river bluff threw their shot 
across the stream and drove back the infantry of 
the enemy's advanced-guard. Three other Federal 
guns were also captured. 

WTien Shields' s men disappeared among the pines 
on the eastern bank of the Shenandoah, the guns of 
Ewell were roaring out their defiance to Fremont, 
and Jackson, leaving two brigades to guard the 
bridge, rode rapidly to Ewell' s field of battle at 
Cross Keys. 

As early as 8:30 on the morning of June 8th, 
Fremont sent his skirmishers forward to open the 
attack. They were supported by a body of 10,000 
Federal infantry, 2,000 cavalry and twelve batteries. 
To withstand this large force, Ewell had only about 
6,000 infantry, 500 horsemen and five batteries. 
These were drawn up in line along the crest of a 
wooded ridge ; just beyond, there was an open 
valley through which flowed the small stream known 
as Mill Creek. At 10 A. M. Fremont's batteries 
were pushed forward in the centre and opened a 
heavy fire. Ewell' s guns, fewer in number, replied 
with spirit and for hours the sound of a fierce can- 
nonade rolled across the hills. Meanwhile, Blen- 
ker's Germans advanced to assail the Confederate 
right, which was held by Trimble's brigade. These 
three Confederate regiments lay still among the 
oaks on the ridge and watched the approach of the 
enemy through an open field in front. When the 
German regiments had passed the field and were 



176 STOIs[EWALL JACKSON 

marching up the slope in the midst of the forest, a 
sheet of fire t^an along the ridge's crest and the 
sound of the Confederate rifles rang through the 
woods. Great gaps were made in the Federal line 
and the Germans fled back through the field. 
Trimble dispatched one of his regiments on a cir- 
cuit against the Federal left flank ; then he pressed 
forward in front with the other two, supported by 
six regiments sent into the fight by Ewell. The 
entire left wing of the enemy was routed and driven 
back upon the line of his batteries. At the same 
time, Fremont called back his right wing also and 
stood with his whole army on the defensive. The 
Federal loss in killed, wounded and missing was 
684 ; the Confederate loss was only 288. 

Ewell was eager to advance and complete his vic- 
tory, but Jackson thought wise to refrain from fur- 
ther battle, for Shields must yet be dealt with. Jack- 
son brought up two brigades from Port Eepublic to 
support the Confederates at Cross Keys, but beyond 
that he did not interfere with Ewell 's arrangements. 
'' Let the Federals get very close before your infantry 
fire; they won't stand long." This was his only 
order to Swell on the field that day. To the latter 
belonged the honor of the victory and Jackson gen- 
erously gave him the credit. No man ever loved 
the excitement of battle more than ^'Dick" Ewell, 
as he was called. The fighting line had great 
charms for him. General Taylor tells us, that, on 
two occasions in this Valley Campaign, during the 
temporary absence of Jackson, Ewell ''marched 
forward amongst the skirmishers, where sharp work 



CROSS KEYS AND PORT REPUBLIC 177 

was going ou. HaviDg refreshed himself, he re- 
turned with the hope that 'Old Jack would not 
catch him at it.' " ' 

The night after the battle at Cross Keys was full 
of work for Jackson. He looked after the feeding 
of his men and the arrangement of his trains. At 
midnight, just as the moon apx)eared over the Blue 
Ridge, the general went to the South River to su- 
perintend the building of a foot-bridge across the 
stream. Two hours later he sent for Ewell and also 
for Trimble and Patton, brigade commanders in 
E well's division, and told them his plans. He said 
he expected to fight two battles during the coming 
day. He would first cross to the eastern side of the 
river and defeat Shields ; then he would return to 
the northwestern bank of the Shenandoah and drive 
liome the attack against Fremont. Patton and 
Trimble were ordered with their two brigades to 
hold Fremont in check. ''Make a great show," 
said Jackson, "so as to cause the enemy to think 
the whole army are behind you. Hold your posi- 
tion as well as you can, then fall back when obliged ; 
take a new 'position, hold it in the same way, 
and I will be back to join you in the morning." 
When Patton asked how long Fremont must be 
held in check, Jackson replied: "By the bless- 
ing of Providence, I hope to be back by ten 
o'clock." ' 

An hour before daybreak on the morning of June 
9th, Major Imboden, looking for a staff-officer, en- 

^ Destruction and Reconstruction^ p. 39. 
^ Cooke's Stonewall Jackson, p. 185, 



178 STONEWALL JACKSOK 

tered by mistal^ the room occupied by the general. 
Imboden says : 

*^ I opened the door softly and discovered Jackson 
lying on his face across the bed, fully dressed, with 
sword, sash, and boots all on. The low-burnt tal- 
low-candle on the table shed a dim light, yet enough 
by which to recognize him. I endeavored to Avith- 
draw without waking him. He turned over, sat 
upon the bed, and called out, ' Who is that 1 ' 

"He checked my apology with, ^ That is all right. 
It's time to be up. I am glad to see you. Were 
the men all up as you came through camp ? ' 

" ' Yes, general, and cooking.' 

"'That's right; we move at daybreak. Sit 
down. I want to talk to you.' 

" I had learned never to ask him questions about 
his plans, for he would never answer such to any 
one. I therefore waited for him to speak first. He 
referred very feelingly to Ashby's death, and spoke 
of it as an irreparable loss. When he paused, I 
said, ' General, you made a glorious winding-up of 
your four weeks with yesterday.' He replied, ' Yes, 
God blessed our army again yesterday, and I hope 
with His protection and blessing, we shall do still 
better to-day.' " ^ 



While darkness still lingered in the shadow of the 
mountain, the Stonewall Brigade, 1,200 strong, with 
two batteries, crossed South Eiver and moved down 
the eastern bank toward the position held by the 
advanced -guard of Shields. Behind the Virginians 
marched the Louisiana men under Taylor. At the 
distance of a mile and a half from Port Eepublic, 
the Confederates came in contact with the Federal 

^ Battles and Leaders, Vol. II, p. 293. 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 179 

pickets and drove them in. Near the Lewis House, 
two brigades of Federal infantry and sixteen guns, 
—about 4,000 men all told,— held a strong position 
awaiting Jackson's attack. Seven guns, posted 
upon the point of a ridge high up on the mountain- 
side, swept the fields below, over which the Confed- 
erates were advancing. In the dense forest around 
these guns were hidden three regiments of riflemen 
constituting the Federal left wing. The Federal 
right rested on the river, supi)orted by some of the 
guns. The other Federal cannon were placed near 
the Lewis House. From the latter point, a hollow 
road, strongly fenced, ran to the river. In this 
road was posted the main body of Federal in- 
fantry. The Federal commander on the field was 
Tyler, for Shields was still in the rear with a part 
of his force. The Federal soldiers who held the 
line of battle were from West Virginia and Ohio 
and were all sturdy fighters. A hard task, there- 
fore, rested upon Winder's brigade of 1,200 men, 
when Jackson ordered them to drive back that body 
of 4,000 Federal troops. 

Winder's batteries moved forward to test the 
Federal guns. The latter were aimed with great 
accuracy and proved too strong for the Confederate 
cannon ; it became necessary, therefore, to send in the 
Confederate infantry. Two of Winder's regiments 
marched to their right and advanced through the 
forest on the mountain slope to outflank the Federal 
battery of seven guns. These guns poured grape- 
shot into the Confederate ranks. Three regiments 
of Federal riflemen in the thicket added their fire. 



180 STONEWALL JACKSOK 

and Winder's »men were driven back. At the 
same time, the left end of his line was failing to 
make j^rogress on the plain near the river. The 
Federal cannon and rifles, hidden behind the em- 
bankment furnished by the hollow road, swept the 
level fields with their fire and held back the Con- 
federate line. Taylor's brigade was still some dis- 
tance from the scene and Ewell's men were two miles 
away, making the passage over South Elver on the 
narrow foot-bridge. 

When Taylor rode forward, he found Jackson in 
the roadway, *^ a little in advance of his line, where 
the fire was hottest, with reins on his horse's neck, 
seemingly in prayer."^ Bringing his arm with a 
sweeping motion around in the direction of the Fed- 
eral guns on the mountain, Jackson said in his 
quick way to Taylor, ^'That battery must be 
taken ! " A staff-ofticer guided Taylor's column up 
the slope and into the forest, where the men of 
Louisiana began to follow the narrow path that led 
to the Federal left flank. 

Meanwhile, Winder's regiments and batteries 
were without sui^port in the fields near the river. 
Tyler's numbers being far in excess of the Con- 
federates, the Federal regiments boldly advanced 
from the hollow road to attack Winder's thin line. 
A fierce struggle took place on the plain. E\»ery 
man of the Stonewall Brigade was at the front and 
the fighting was at close range. The long blue line 
swept forward with loud cheers, captured one of the 
Confederate guns, and forced the others to limber 
* Destruction and Reconstruction^ p. 90. 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 181 

up and hurry from the field. As the Ooufederate 
iulautry line began to fall back, Jackson si^urred 
his horse among his troops and called upon them to 
stand. All in vain. Without assistance they could 
not hold the ground against Tyler's courageous 
men. 

But where was the remainder of Jackson's army ? 
The answer is that most of the Confederates were 
delayed by the difficulty of crossing the South Eiver 
at Port Eepublic. The running gear of wagons 
had been placed in the stream and uj)on these were 
laid wide planks to form the foot-bridge. Near the 
deepest part of the river some of these broke from 
their fastenings and at that point the bridge was 
limited to a single plank. Ewell's division passed 
across, therefore, in single file, for the officers re- 
fused to obey Major Dabuey's order to make their 
men wade through the breast-high water. When 
Ewell's two advanced regiments reached the field 
of battle, therefore. Winder's brigade was falling 
back, and along with that brigade, also the Seventh 
Louisiana, which had been called from the rear of 
Taylor's column to stem the tide of Federal success 
near the river. Even Ewell's two regiments did not 
check the Federal advance. Tyler's line was 
sweeping on, when it was, however, suddenly 
brought -to a halt by the sound of heavy musketry 
and the "rebel yell" from the thickets high upon 
the mountain slope. Taylor's Louisiauians had 
stumbled through the undergrowth and splashed 
through the mountain rivulets until they found the 
Federal left flank. They threw themselves upon 



182 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Tyler's men and a desperate struggle took place 
around the Federal guns. For a part of the time 
the fighting was hand to hand. Twice the Con- 
federates seized the cannon, only to lose them. i 
Then Taylor sent some of his comi)anies to make 
another circuit and these rushed with fixed bayonets 
upon the guns from the rear, and captured them. 
Only one cannon escaped ; the other six were turned 
against the enemy. Ewell himself seized a rammer 
and enjoyed to the full the hot work of loading one 
of the guns which sent rapid discharges of canister 
into the ranks of the retreating Federals. 

Jackson's eye had seen the key of the entire posi- 
tion and when Taylor seized it, the battle was 
practically won. Tyler called back his line from 
the fields south of the Lewis House. It was too 
late even for that, for by this time the remainder of 
EwelFs division had arrived and was rushing to the 
attack. Winder's men turned back also, and 
Taliaferro's brigade reached the field in time to give 
a parting volley to the retreating Federal troops. 
Down the Valley, along the river-road, fled Tyler's 
defeated regiments, with the Confederate horsemen 
in hot pursuit. 

The hour of half-past ten had arrived when 
Jackson saw the triumph of his battalions. Victory 
had been delayed, however, because the two Federal 
brigades had made a gallant fight for five hours 
against the brigades of Winder and Taylor. About 
nine, therefore, when Winder's men were falling 
back, Jackson sent a messenger with an order for 
Trimble and Patton to withdraw from Fremont's 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 183 

front, cross North Eiver, and burn the bridge. The 
battle against Tyler was so severe that Jackson did 
not think it wise to lead his army into a second en- 
gagement on the same day. Fremont crept cau- 
tiously forward, and, about two hours after the re- 
treat of Tyler, his advanced brigades reached the 
river bluffs near Port Eepublic. The Confederate 
dead and wounded had already been removed from 
the field and Confederate soldiers were then en- 
gaged in the humane work of giving relief to the 
wounded Federals. Fremont, filled with wrath, no 
doubt at the manner in which Jackson had defeated 
both Federal armies, massed his guns near the bank 
of the Shenandoah and threw shot and shell at the 
Confederate ambulances scattered over the field of 
battle near the Lewis House. The ambulances re- 
tired, of course, and the poor wounded Federals 
were thus forced to endure their suffering under the 
heavy rain that was now falling, until Fremont 
ceased to fire off his guns and retreated to Harrison- 
burg. 

The number of Confederates engaged in the battle 
of Port Eepublic was 5,900. Of these, 804 were 
killed and wounded. Out of Tyler's force of 4,000, 
the total loss, including 450 prisoners, amounted to 
1,001, or one-fourth of his army. Tyler's flight was 
checked at Conrad's Store by the arrival at the lat- 
ter point of the remainder of Shields' s regiments. 

At the close of the day, Jackson led his army up 
the mountain slope into Brown's Gap and gave his 
men an oi)i)ortunity to rest. Fremont fled down the 
Valley and Colonel T. T. Munford, worthy successor 



184 STONEWALL JACKSON 

of Asliby as leader of the Conlederate cavalry, took 
Ijossessiou of Hafrisonburg. Moreover, for the third 
time McDowell's corps was held back from march- 
ing to Eichmond ; for Shields was ordered to tarry 
at Lui-ay and Rickett's (Ord's) division was told to 
remain in the Valley at Front Eoyal. The two vic- 
tories at Cross Keys and Port Eepublic thus again 
paralyzed McClellan's plans for the capture of 
Eichmond. 

On June 12th, Jackson led his regiments into a 
beautiful grove near Mount Meridian between the 
two rivers. There the men found repose beneath 
the shade of the trees or bathed in the sparkling 
waters of the Shenandoah. Saturday, June 14th, 
was set apart for thanksgiving and prayer. He 
wrote that day to his wife : ^'Om^ God has again 
thrown His shield over me in the various apparent 
dangers to which I have been exposed. This even- 
ing we have religious services in the army, for the 
purpose of rendering thanks to the Most High for 
the victories with which He has crowned our arms ; 
and my earnest prayer is that our ever kind heavenly 
Father will continue to crown our arms with success, 
until, through His Divine blessing, our independence 
shall be established." 

On the following day, Sunday, June 15th, a gen- 
eral communion was observed in the camp of 
Taliaferro's brigade, and the elements of the Lord's 
Supper were dispensed in the grove to a great com- 
pany of Christian soldiers, of every religious denom- 
ination, from the entire Army of the Valley. 
*'At this solemnity," says Dabney, ''the general 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 185 

was present as a worshiper, and modestly partici- 
pated with his men in the sacred least. The quiet 
diffidence with which he took the least obtrusive 
place and received the sacred emblems from the 
hands of a regimental chaplain, was in beautiful 
contrast with the majesty and authority of his 
bearing in the crisis of battle." ' After thus 
solemnly dedicating themselves to the service of 
their God and their country, Jackson and his 
men silently moved away two days later, on June 
17th, to enter a larger field of activity around Eich- 
mond. 

Jackson' s fame as a military leader was most surely 
established in his own country and in Europe by 
the operations of the forty-two days from April 29th 
to June 9th. During that period his army marched 
more than four hundred miles, fought five battles 
and numerous combats, and won all of them. With 
only 16,000 men he had kept 70,000 Federal troops, 
— those of Banks, Fremont and McDowell, — engaged 
in the Valley, had thwarted their movements and 
had kept them from aiding McClellan at Eichmond. 
He had taken 3,500 prisoners, great quantities of 
stores, nine guns and 10,000 rifles, while 3,500 Fed- 
eral soldiers had been disabled. These results were 
all accomplished at comparatively small cost to the 
Confederates. To this campaign there is no parallel 
in history, unless it be Napoleon's campaign in 
Italy in 1796. '' And it may even be questioned, '^ 
writes Colonel Henderson,' "whether, in some 

^ Dabuey's Jackson, p. 430. 

2 Life of Jackson, Vol. I, pp. 419-420. 



186 STONEWALL JACKSON 

respects, it wa^ uot more brilliant. The odds 
against the Confederates were far greater than 
against the French. Jackson had to deal with a 
homogeneous enemy, with generals anxious to render 
each other loyal support, and not with the contin- 
gents of different states. His marches were far 
longer than Napoleon's. The theatre of war was 
not less difficult. His troops were not veterans, 
but, in great part, the very rawest of recruits. The 
enemy's officers and soldiers were not inferior to his 
own. . . . Moreover, Jackson was merely the 
commander of a detached force, which might at any 
moment be required at Eichmond. The risks which 
Napoleon freely accepted he could not afford. He 
dared not deliver battle unless he were certain of 
success." 

In order to attain success, Jackson devoted every 
mental faculty to the consideration of the military 
problems before him. Every movement possible to 
the enemy was planned in advance. Every risk 
was weighed. His topographical engineer. Major 
Hotchkiss, prepared careftd and elaborate maps of 
the chief portions of the Valley of Virginia ; special 
drawings were made of the districts in which Jack- 
son's principal battles were fought. To these maps, 
marked even with foot-paths and mountain rivulets, 
the general gave hours of study. For this reason 
his knowledge of the country was so wonderful that 
his men declared that Jackson "knew every hole 
and corner of the Valley as if he had made it him- 
self." It is not strange, therefore, that, as Dabney 
writes, " nothiug emerged which had not been con- 



CROSS KEYS AND POET REPUBLIC 187 

sidered before in his mind ; no possibility was over- 
looked ; he was never surprised. '^ ^ 

While Jackson was an eager student of Napoleon's 
campaigns, he was not a blind imitator of that 
great leader's movements. He adax3ted Napoleon's 
methods of warfare to the conditions that surrounded 
him in the Valley. He developed rules and maxims 
that must henceforth be accepted as fundamental 
principles for the guidance of every soldier. Gen- 
eral Imboden tells us that he often heard Jackson 
say that there were two things never to be lost sight 
of by a military commander. ^ ' Always mystify, 
mislead and surprise the enemy, if possible," said 
Jackson ; ''and when you strike and overcome him, 
never give up the pursuit as long as your men have 
strength to follow ; for an army routed, if hotly 
pursued, becomes panic-stricken, and can then be 
destroyed by half their number. The other rule is, 
never fight against heavy odds, if by any possible 
manoeuvring you can hurl your own force on only a 
part, and that the weakest part, of your enemy and 
crush it. Such tactics will win every time, and a 
small army may thus destroy a large one in detail, 
and repeated victory will make it invincible." ' 
Jackson said further: "To move swiftly, strike 
vigorously, and secure all the fruits of victory, is the 
secret of • successful war." 

We have seen already how he led his men along 
forest roads and over farm tracks, wherever the 
route was concealed from the enemy. Moreover, 

^ Dabney's Jackson^ p. 68. 

2 Battles and Leaders, Vol. II, p. 297. 



188 STOKEWALL JACKSON 

his own soldier« aud officers were often " mystified,'^ 
for to the latter be usually refused to communicate 
his plans. This course at first made his subordinates 
angry. General Ewell is reported to have said con- 
cerning Jackson's Valley Campaign : ''Well, sir, 
when he commenced it I thought him crazy ; be- 
fore he ended it I thought him inspired." 

Jackson's men and officers cooperated with him 
in the most admirable manner to win the successes 
of the Valley. Oftentimes the men moved forward 
and remained in the fight after their officers had 
fallen, thus showing, upon many a field, that they 
were not in need of leaders. Under Jackson' s i)er- 
sonal instruction and guidance this army became a 
marvelous military machine. Often without food 
and without shoes, they would make long marches 
and follow these up by fierce attacks against the 
enemy. ' ' One male a week and three foights a 
day," said an Irishman in the ranks, was the rule 
in Jackson's army. The men showed marvelous 
powers of endurance and wonderful courage. Never- 
theless, this was due in part to their faith in their 
leader. Jackson, moreover, was careful to preserve 
the strength of his soldiers, and only four times 
during the Valley Campaign did he make forced 
marches. ' ' He never broke down his men by long- 
continued movement. He rested the whole column 
very often, but only for a few minutes at a time. 
He liked to see the men lie flat on the ground to 
rest and would say, ' A man rests all over when he 
lies down.' " ^ 

1 Battles and Leaders, Vol. II, pp. 297-298. 



OEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIO 189 

The infantry and artillerists always fought under 
the eye of Jackson. As to the cavalry, he made 
better use of that part of the army than any other 
commander on either side during the war. To find 
out the enemy's plans, to screen all the movements 
of the main body, to rush into the fight at a critical 
moment and to pursue the broken enemy after the 
battle, — this was the service required of the horse- 
men. It must needs be said, of course, that this 
service was rendered the more efficient by the daring 
and skill of Jackson's two great cavalry leaders, 
Ashby and Munford. 

Jackson lived on the same plain food that was 
furnished to his private soldiers. He continued to 
wear the same old faded and sunburnt uniform. He 
made his headquarters in an ordinary bell-tent or in 
the room of a house. If these were not convenient, 
he would wrap himself in his blankets and lie down 
under a tree or in a fence-corner. Sleep came read- 
ily to him anywhere, in the saddle or in church 
during the sermon. In camp his manner was 
always courteous and kindly and he never posed 
there as the commander-in-chief. If men and of- 
ficers failed in duty, no man was ever more stern 
and severe than Jackson in imposing a punishment. 
The higher the rank of the offender, the heavier 
was the penalty, for Jackson had no respect for per- 
sons in the administration of discipliue. He never 
imposed upon the men hardships which he himself 
was not willing to endure. They saw him pass 
hours on the march without food. They often saw 
him ride to the front under the hottest fire and sit 



190 STONEWALL JACKSON 

tiiere upon hi^ horse, the coolest man in the army. 
His soldiers had a passionate admiration for '' Old 
Jack," as they called him, and were ready to follow 
him in the most desperate encounter. '' I never 
saw one of Jackson's couriers," said Ewell, ''ap- 
proach without expecting an order to assault the 
North Pole." If such an order had been given in 
June, 1862, Ewell and all the rest of Jackson's army 
would have started at once to make the move- 
ment. 

As a soldier, with a military duty resting upon 
him, Jackson was stern and imperious in giving 
orders and inflexible in maintaining discipline. As 
a man among his staff-officers and other near com- 
rades, he was full of all gentleness. Tender sym- 
pathy was always offered by him to any one in 
sorrow or trouble. Moreover, according to Dabney, 
*' if he found in an officer a hearty and zealous pur- 
pose to do all his duty, he was the most tolerant and 
gracious of superiors, overlooking blunders and 
mistakes with unbounded patience, and repairing 
them through his own exertions, without even a 
sign of vexation." Wlien Dabney told the general 
about the delay at the bridge on the morning of the 
battle of Port Republic, a delay that frustrated the 
plan of fighting two battles that day, Jackson re- 
ceived the report quietly, ascribing the accident as 
" due to the will of Providence and, therefore, to be 
accepted without complaint." ' 

During the Yalley Campaign, it became apparent 
to the soldiers of his army that Jackson was a man 
' Southern Historical Society Papers, Vol. XI, p. 152. 



CKOSS KEYS AKD POET REPUBLIC 191 

of unusual piety. This fact was forced ui)ou the 
knowledge of the men, not by Jackson's words but 
by his conduct. They were all impressed with the 
sincerity and consistency of his Christian faith. All 
knew that he was a man of prayer and all believed 
in him. He made no parade of his religious faith. 
Whenever possible, he sought a private place for 
prayer. He did not pose as a Christian who had 
attained unto i^erfection. His conversation was as 
much devoid of cant as his uniform was free 
from gold-braid. In one respect only can Jack- 
son be called a Puritan, and that is, that his 
nature was saturated with the Biblical conception 
of life. He had an intense sense of God's pres- 
ence with him. The Word of God was ringing 
in his ears continually day and night, and his 
letters are filled with quotations from it. In every 
incident of life he saw the visible finger of God. 
Every victory won was ascribed to the Providence 
of God. To speak thus is not an indication of 
fanaticism ; it only makes manifest the fact that 
Biblical ideas and expressions formed the basis 
of Jackson's natural speech. What the ordinary 
Christian feels only during the earnest moments 
which he spends upon his knees, Jackson felt as 
a second nature in the full tide of daily life ; — in 
camp, throughout the march, or on the field of 
battle. Thus was his sagacity intensified. 

Jackson was insensible to every form of danger. 
When he reached a determination, his resolu- 
tion became firm down to the very roots of his 
soul. His will was aroused to a white heat be- 



192 STO:t^EWALL JACKSOK 

cause lie knew that he was God's choseu instrument 
to labor and to ifight in defence of his country. 
This sense of dependence upon God, however, did 
not make him relax in his dependence upon his own 
exertions. Sleepless vigilance, rapid marches and 
bold assaults with the bayonet were necessary 
agencies in achieving victory. To quote again a 
portion of his own words concerning his two rules 
of warfare, given above from Imboden, ''Such tac- 
tics will win every time." Doctor Dabney writes 
as follows : 

'' It was not unusual to see him pale and tremulous 
with excitement at the firing of the first gun of an open- 
ing battle. But the only true courage is moral cour- 
age, and this was so perfect in him, that it had abso- 
lutely changed his corporeal nature. No man could 
exhibit a more calm indifference to personal danger, 
and more perfect self-possession and equanimity in the 
greatest perils. The determination of his spirit so 
controlled his body that his very flesh became impas- 
sive ; the nearest hissing of bullets seemed to produce 
no quiver of the nerves ; and when cannon-balls hur- 
tled across his path, there was no involuntary shrink- 
ing of the bridle-hand. The power of concentration 
was of unrivaled force in his mind, and when occu- 
pied in f)rofound thought, or inspired with some 
great purpose, he seemed to become almost uncon- 
scious of external things. This was the true expla- 
nation of that seeming recklessness with which he 
sometimes exposed himself on the field of battle. 
The populace, who love exaggerations, called him 
fatalist, and imagined that, like a Mohammedan, he 
thought natural precautions inconsistent with his 
firm belief in an overruling Providence. But noth- 
ing could be more untrue. He always recognized 



CROSS KEYS AND PORT REPUBLIC 193 

the obligations of prudence, and declared that it 
was not his purpose to expose himself without neces- 
sity." ^ 

It has been supposed that his selection of a Pres- 
byterian minister as chief of staff was an indication 
of religious fanaticism on Jackson^ s part. This is 
an utterly mistaken view. Jackson knew that Doc- 
tor Dabney had been brought up, like himself, on a 
plantation ; that he was vigorous in the management 
of practical affairs ; that he had line sense and un- 
usual strength of intellect ; and that he was moroever 
a man of the highest integrity. ' ' Your duties would 
be such that you would not have an opportunity of 
i:)reaching, except on the Sabbath," Jackson wrote, 
when he offered the position. Dabney was chosen 
for stern work and well did he meet the require- 
ments of his office. His energy was only a degree 
less fiery, perhaps, than that of Jackson himself ; 
his strong, brilliant mind retained Jackson's orders 
in the exact form in which they were given and they 
were always promptly and faithfully delivered. 
While Dabney' s health lasted there was no more 
efficient staff- officer than he in the Confederate 
service. 

Perhaps there was a touch of humor in Jackson's 
conduct, one day, not long after Dabney' s arrival at 
headquarters. The latter was dressed in a long, 
black coat, wore a high hat and carried an um- 
brella. As Jackson and his staff rode past the col- 
umn, the men began to call out to the new adjutant : 
^^ Come out from under that umbrella ! I know you 
* Dabney's Jackson^ p. 738. 



194 STONEWALL JACKSON 

are under there ; I see your feet sliakiug ! " Jack- 
son paid little heed at first, but when he at last 
learned the source of the merriment, he said, " Gen- 
tlemen, let us ride ! ' ' Putting spurs to his horse 
the general dashed through an adjacent piece of 
thick wood, followed by all the members of his 
staff. He soon headed for the roadway again and 
when they rejoined the column, the major's um- 
brella was seen to be in fragments, while the hat 
and coat had received rough treatment from the low 
branches of the trees. In this manner the adj utant 
was initiated into his office. Major Dabney showed 
his mettle, however, and vindicated the wisdom of 
Jackson's choice, for not long afterward one of the 
officers of the Stonewall Brigade made this rather 
profane remark : ''Our parson is not afraid of 
Yankee bullets, and I tell you he preaches like hell." 
Jackson did not thrust his religion upon the at- 
tention of unwilling listeners. Morning and even- 
ing prayers were regularly offered at his headquar- 
ters, but when any member of the staff preferred not 
to attend, Jackson never made any reference to the 
matter. Sunday was observed, whenever x^ossible, 
as a day of rest and worship, and all of the men 
were invited to be present at the religious services 
conducted by the chaplains. It is well to remember, 
however, that each of the six Sabbaths that fell 
within the period of the Valley Campaign, except a 
portion of one, was spent in the most strenuous 
marching and fighting. * 

' On Sunday, IMarcli 23cl, he fought the battle of Kernstown ; 
Sunday, May 4th, made a rapid march to Staunton ; Sunday, 



CEOSS KEYS AND POET EEPUBLIC 195 

Jackson would not permit any unclean remark 
made in his presence to go without rebuke. When 
any of his officers broke out into profanity before 
him, his chiding was always given in the most 
kindly manner. General Taylor tells us that, when 
he was deploying his Louisiana brigade for the 
charge, on the morning of the battle at Winchester, 
Jackson rode beside him. The air was so filled 
with whistling shells and bullets that the men in the 
columns began to jerk down their heads. Taylor 
forgot Jackson's presence for the moment and 
''ripped out" an oath, asking the men why they 
were dodging. ' ' The sharp tones of a familiar 
voice,'' says Taylor, ''produced the desired effect, 
and the men looked as if they had swallowed ram- 
rods ; but I shall never forget the reproachful sur- 
prise expressed in Jackson's face. He placed his 
hand on my shoulder, said in a gentle voice, ' I 
am afraid you are a wicked fellow,' turned, and 
rode back to the pike." After the brigade had 
made a gallant attack and was driving the enemy 
through Winchester, Jackson came up and gave 
Taylor that grasp of the hand which, says the latter, 
as already quoted in this volume, was "worth a 
thousand words from another." ' 

May 11th, made a forced march to Franklin; Sunday, May 18th, 
rested in camp but held important conferences with Ewell and 
telegraphed message to Lee ; Sunday, May 25th, fought Banks 
at Winchester ; Sunday, June 1st, fought Fremont near Stras- 
burg and marched to Woodstock; Sunday, June 8th, fought 
battle of Cross Keys. 

* Destruction and Reconstruction^ p. 84. 



CHAPTEE XIII 

THE MARCH FROM THE VALLEY TO RICHMOND 

We have now reached that poiut in the story of 
General Jackson's career, when attention must be 
given to his share in military movements that took 
place upon a field wider than the Valley of Vir- 
ginia. It must be remembered that from the sum- 
mer of 1861, after the close of the first battle of 
Manassas, Jackson never ceased to advocate an in- 
vasion of the North. When he was in command of 
Harper's Ferry, he crossed the Potomac upon his 
own authority and fortified Maryland Heights. 
During the camj^aign of 1862 he was continually 
asking for reinforcements in order that he might 
threaten or assail the enemy's forces beyond the 
Potomac. Full credit must be ascribed to Joseph 
E. Johnston for permitting Jackson to remain in 
the Valley when McClellan moved his army to the 
Peninsula, and for giving expression to the idea 
that the Federal troops must be kept away from 
Eichmond. This idea in even a more definite form 
was in Lee's mind, for he allowed Jackson to re- 
tain Ewell in the Valley to aid in sti'ikiug Banks a 
decisive blow. The commander-in-chief was most 
generous in aiding Jackson and in commending 
his work. At Eichmond, Lee was looking upon 
the whole field of operations from the James Eiver 



FEOM THE VALLEY TO EICHMOND 197 

uortliward to the Susquehanna and within that field 
he was conducting a masterly game of military 
strategy. But the same strategical ideas were also 
in Jackson's mind. He talked and wrote about 
them during the entire period of his campaign. The 
instructions he received were the instructions which 
he would have asked for, and which in many cases 
he did ask for. These were always general in char- 
acter. The marking out of specific plans and their 
execution were left to Jackson. The secret march 
to McDowell, the surprise of Front Royal, the un- 
wearied pursuit of Banks until the latter was over- 
thrown, the successive victories over Fremont and 
Shields, — all these were due to Jackson's marvelous 
strategy and brilliant tactical arrangements. In the 
most essential and important sense, the Valley Cam- 
paign must be accredited entirely to Jackson. 

After the defeat of Banks at Winchester, Jackson 
asked his friend, Alexander R. Boteler, to tell the 
authorities at Richmond that if they would send him 
reinforcements, he would undertake to capture 
Washington. ^'Tell General Jackson," was the 
reply of General Lee, 'Hhat he must first help me 
to drive these people away from Richmond." ^ 
After the victory of Port Republic, on June 9th, the 
danger of the Confederate capital was still more 
imminent. On May 31st and June 1st, Johnston 
had attacked two of McClellan's corps at Seven 
Pines on the southern bank of the Chickahominy, 
with only moderate success. McClellan placed all 
but one of his army corps in position on the Rich- 
* Pabney's Jackson, p. 431, 



198 STONEWALL JACKSON 

mond side of the Chickahominy and was again wait- 
ing for McDowell's approach from Fredericksburg 
in order that he might seize the city. The situation 
of the Confederates was critical ; nevertheless, on 
June 8th, while Jackson was fighting at Cross Keys, 
Lee wrote to him : " Should there be nothing re- 
quiring your attention in the Valley, so as to pre- 
vent you leaving it in a few days, and you can make 
arrangements to deceive the enemy and impress him 
with the idea of your presence, please let me know, 
that you may unite at the decisive moment with the 
army near Kichmond.'^ 

At the same time Lee sent 7,000 soldiers under 
Lawton and Whiting, to reinforce Jackson. Care 
was taken in Eichmond that some Federal prisoners 
should see these Confederates on board the trains 
and should learn that they were on the way to the 
Valley. The prisoners were then released on parole 
and allowed to carry the news to the Federal com- 
manders. Thus was begun the game of deceiving 
the enemy. On June 11th, Lee wrote to Jackson 
concerning Cross Keys and Port Eepublic : 

^*Your recent successes have been the cause of 
the liveliest joy in this army as well as in the coun- 
try. The admiration excited by your skill and 
boldness has been constantly mingled with solicitude 
for your situation. The practicability of reinforc- 
ing you has been the subject of gravest consid- 
eration. It has been determined to do so at the ex- 
pense of weakening this army. Brigadier-General 
Lawton with six regiments from Georgia is on his 
way to you, and Brigadier-General Whiting with 
eight veteran regiments leaves here to-day. The 



FEOM THE VALLEY TO RICHMOND 199 

object is to enable you to crush the forces opposed 
to you. Leave your enfeebled troops to watch the 
country and guard the passes covered by your 
cavalry and artillery, and with your main body, in- 
cluding EwelFs division and Lawton's and Whiting's 
commands, move rapidly to Ashland by rail or 
otherwise, as you may find most advantageous, and 
sweep down between the Chickahominy and the 
Pamunkey, cutting up the enemy's communications, 
etc., while this army attacks McClellan in front. 
He will then, I think, be forced to come out of his 
intrenchments, where he is strongly posted on the 
Chickahominy, and apparently preparing to move 
by gradual approaches on Richmond." ^ 

On the 16th, Lee wrote again that if Fremont and 
Shields were still retreating, ^ ' the sooner you unite 
with this army the better. McClellan is being 
strengthened. . . . There is much sickness in 
his ranks, but his reinforcements by far exceed his 
losses. The present, therefore, seems to be favor- 
able for a j unction of your army and this. If you 
agree with me, the sooner you can make arrange- 
ments to do so, the better. In moving your troops, 
you could let it be understood that it was to pursue 
the enemy in your front. . . . To be efficacious, 
the movement must be secret." 

Before this letter reached Jackson, however, he 
had begun to make preparations for the march to 
Richmond. On the 13th he told Munford to press 
down the Valley toward New. Market with his entire 
force of horsemen and make upon the enemy the 
impression that a ''heavy advance" of the entire 

^ Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 910. 



200 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Army of the Vftlley was about to take place. Jack- 
sou himself maiutaiued the utmost secrecy about his 
plaus. He did not breathe them to any one beside 
Colonel Munford ; not even his staff- officers were 
taken into his confidence. The most elaborate care 
was exercised to blind the eyes of both friend and 
foe and to give to everybody the impression that re- 
inforcements were on the way to the Valley to 
enable Jackson to drive the enemy beyond the 
Potomac and to threaten Washington. A close line 
of cavalry was drawn between the two armies ; no 
civilians were allowed to pass ; the bearers of flags 
of truce were all given the idea that the Confeder- 
ates were about to move forward in great force. 

On the 17th of June, Jackson was full of activity. 
There was an air of secrecy about every act and 
every order. '^General Jackson, somewhere," — 
this was the direction on the letters that were com- 
ing to him, written in that manner according to his 
previous instruction. In the afternoon Ewell was 
ordered to lead his division through Brown's Gap 
toward Charlottesville ; the rest of the Yalley troops 
were {old to follow Ewell the next morning. The 
officers were all greatly angered because Jackson 
did not explain the i:)urpose of the march across the 
Blue Ridge. On the day before, Whiting had gal- 
loped from Staunton to Jackson's camp near Port 
Republic to see the general. About midnight 
Whiting returned to Staunton and there Imboden 
saw him *4n a towering passion." He ''declared 
that Jackson had treated him outrageously." 
*'How is that possible, general?" said Imboden; 



FEOM THE VALLEY TO EICHMOND 201 

^*He is very polite to everyone.'^ "Oh, hang 
him ! ^' said Whiting, " he was polite enough. But 
he didn't say one word about his plans. I finally 
asked him for orders, telling him what troops I had. 
He simply told me to go back to Staunton, and he 
would send me orders to-morrow. I haven't the 
slightest idea what they will be. I believe he has 
no more sense than my horse." ^ The next day 
(17th), while Ewell was leaving the Valley, a courier 
came from Jackson to order Whiting to march down 
the Valley toward Harrisonburg ! Another cou- 
rier followed instructing his troops to halt and go 
into camp ! The next order sent to Whiting and 
Lawton commanded them to take the cars at Staunton 
and move to Gordonsville. At the close of the 17th, 
Jackson sent a message to Munford to meet him 
at Mount Sidney that night at ten o'clock. "I will 
be on my horse at the north end of the town," he 
wrote, * ' so you need not inquire after me. " ^ At the 
appointed hour, Munford rode to the village. The 
moon was shining and at the head of the street 
he saw a solitary figure. ''Ah, colonel, here 
you are," said Jackson; ''what news from the 
front r^ 

"All quiet, general," said Munford. 

"Good! now I wish you to produce upon the 
enemy the impression that I am going to advance." ^ 
Then Jackson rode through the night to Staunton and 
on the morning of the 18th suddenly appeared before 

^ Battles and Leaders, Vol. I. p. 297. 

•^ OtHcial Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 927. 

=• Cooke's Jackson, p. 203. 



202 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Whiting and Lawt^n and ordered them to move by 
train to Gordonsville. 

Jackson himself went by train to Mechum's 
Station near Charlottesville. There he called 
Dabney into a room, locked the door and told his 
adjutant that he was moving toward Eichmond to 
attack McClellan. He bound Dabney over to 
secrecy, however, and, boarding the train, pro- 
ceeded on his way eastward. Ewell, second in 
command, was filled with wrath, for Jackson had 
gone, he said, leaving him without orders and with- 
out a suggestion as to the purpose of the movement. 

The march of Jackson's army was concealed, as 
far as possible, by the movements of the calvary. 
A column of horsemen rode some distance in front 
and prevented civilians from preceding them to 
Eichmond. Far out on each flank, squads of 
calvarymen rode along ; a heavy body of horsemen 
came behind to move forward all stragglers. The 
roads were strongly picketed at night and the men 
were ordered to hold no communication with the 
people of the country through which they were 
marching. They were instructed to make to all 
questions just this answer : ''I don't know." At 
a later period in the march, when Jackson had re- 
joined the column, one of Hood's men left the 
ranks and was moving toward a cherry-tree near 
the roadside. 

'' Where are you going ? " said the general, as lie 
rode by. 

*' I don't know," said the soldier. 

*' To what command do you belong ? '' 



FEOM THE VALLEY TO EICHMOND 203 

^< I don't know." 

^* Well, what state are you from 1 " 

^'I don't know." 

^'What is the meaning of all this?" inquired 
Jackson of another soldier. 

'' Well,'^ replied the man, <' ^ Old Stonewall ' and 
General Hood gave orders yesterday that we were 
not to know anything until after the next fight." 

Jackson laughed and rode forward. ^ 

Jackson's soldiers all remained in the dark with 
reference to their leader's plans. At Charlottes- 
ville, the report was passed from lii) to lip that 
the army was to march to Culpeper Court-House to 
meet Banks. When they reached Gordonsville, the 
men were saying that the next movement would be 
toward Washington. Meanwhile the railway trains 
were moving backward and forward along the 
route, picking up the rear brigades in succession and 
sending them in turn to the head of the column. 
At Frederickshall, a station fifty miles from Eich- 
mond, the assistance rendered by the cars was 
terminated. Beyond that point the railway track 
had been injured by the Federal cavalry and trains 
could not run. 

Jackson's journey eastward was arrested by a re- 
port that the enemy was advancing from the Eap- 
pahannock. On Sunday, June 22d, the Valley 
army rested at Frederickshall. At 1 A. M. on Mon- 
day morning, Jackson resumed his journey toward 
Eichmond to hold a conference with Lee. He was 
accompanied by a single courier and carried a pass 
' Cooke'3 Jackson, p. 205. 



204 sto:n^ewall jaoksok 

issued to him by £reneral Whitiug. Jackson had 
been invited to breakfast, but when a messenger 
was sent the next morning, he was met by Jim, the 
colored servant, who said, '^ You don't 'spec' to fin' 
de gineral heah at dis hour, does you? He lef 
heah 'bout midnight, and I 'spec' by dis time he 
whippin' Banks in de Valley." 

A few miles from the starting-point Jackson 
came upon one of his own outposts. The soldier on 
picket duty would not let him pass, and the captain 
of the outpost had to be called. The latter 
recognized his commander, who praised both for 
their fidelity, bound them to secrecy and rode on. 
A little later the horses broke down and the gen- 
eral and his courier stopped at a plantation and 
asked the owner to lend horses for the use of an 
of&cer on important duty. This being refused, 
two fresh horses were, therefore, taken from the 
stables without the consent of the owner, and the 
two wearied animals were left as a guarantee that 
the others would be returned. 

Jackson rode on through Richmond and at three 
o'clock the same afternoon he reached the head- 
quarters of the chief commander. A dust- covered 
figure, wearing the old, faded coat and the cap that 
had been turned yellow by the sun, dismounted 
from his horse and entered the house. It was the 
first meeting between Lee and Jackson since the 
outbreak of the war. Lee offered a glass of butter- 
milk as the only refreshment and then the confer- 
ence began. Longstreet, A. P. Hill and D. H. 
Hill, commanders of divisions in Lee's army, were 



FROM THE VALLEY TO EICHMOND 205 

also present. Lee explained the plan of attack 
which he had arranged and then, withdrawing from 
the room, left the four major-generals to discuss the 
details. Jackson's army was expected to pass 
through Ashland on the 25th, encamp that night 
near the Virginia Central Eailway and on the 26th 
move against McClellan's right flank and rear. 
On the day after the conference with Lee, the 24th, 
Jackson rode back to his army and joined the 
column near Beaver Dam Station. With restless 
energy he urged the men forward, but he met 
difficulty after difficulty which he could not have 
foreseen, and which should have been anticipated 
by the military leaders at Eichmond. The respon- 
sibility for Jackson's slight delay in arriving at 
Ashland can certainly not be laid u^Don Jackson 
himself ; it rests upon Lee and his subordinates at 
the capital. Jackson was not supplied with maps 
of this region of tangled undergrowth, and had to 
seek out his own guide ; the bridges had been 
destroyed and the roads blockaded by the enemy ; 
and the provisions sent out to the Valley army from 
Eichmond were tardy in their arrival. For these 
reasons, Jackson's forces were unable to march 
beyond Ashland on the 25th. As the day closed, 
they went into bivouac at that point, having made 
the distance' of 120 miles from near Port Eepublic 
in seven marching days. 

During these days Jackson's movements had been 
so well concealed that the Federal leaders were still 
in absolute ignorance as to where he was. Mun- 
ford's horsemen did their work so well in the Val- 



206 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ley, holding ^e picket line near the enemy so 
firmly, that Fremont, Shields and Banks were every 
day expecting Jackson to make an assault against 
them. The atmosphere along the upper Potomac 
was filled with rumors. The Federal leaders had a 
most wholesome fear of Stonewall. ^' Where is 
he?'^ ''What are his i)lans?" Such questions 
as these were constantly passing from mouth to 
mouth among the Northern commanders. '' Jack- 
son has been reinforced to the number of 35,000 
men," wrote Banks on the 12th, and a later rumor 
placed the strength of his army at Port Eepublic 
at 60,000, with seventy guns ! 

On June 13th, McDowell thought that Jackson 
might be approaching Fredericksburg. ''Jackson 
is either coming against Shields at Luray," he wrote, 
" or King at Catlett^s, or Doubleday at Fredericks- 
burg, or is going to Eichmond." The excitement 
became more intense as time went on. On the 16th 
it was asserted positively that Jackson was near 
Front Eoyal. On the 18th, it was said that he had 
marched to Eichmond but that Ewell had remained 
in the Valley with 40, 000 men. Jackson is coming 
down the Valley again "with 30,000 or more," 
wrote Banks on the 19th. On the 20th, he was re- 
ported east of the Blue Eidge and on the 22d was 
said to be moving to make an attack in the Valley 
and at Moorefield, west of Winchester. On the 
25th, when Jackson's army was going into camp at 
Ashland, Stanton was sending this message to 
McClellan : ' ' We have no definite information as 
to the numbers or position of Jackson's force. 



FEOM THE VALLEY TO RICHMOND 207 

. . . Neither McDowell nor Banks nor Fre- 
mont appear to have any accurate knowledge of the 
subject." Then on the 28th, two days after Jack- 
son had struck McClellan's flank, Banks wrote that 
the Confederate leader was ''preparing for an at- 
tack on Middletown " in the Valley ! On the 26th, 
however, the day when McClellan first learned that 
Jackson was about to attack his army, the Federal 
commander at Eichmond was informed that the 
forces led by McDowell, Banks and Fremont were 
to be consolidated under General Pope and sent to- 
ward Charlottesville to overcome Jackson's army ! ' 
Jackson's campaign in the Valley, ending with the 
defeat of Shields at Port Republic, virtually saved 
Richmond, as we have already seen. This result 
was accomplished by keeping McDowell's forces 
away from McClellan' s army at critical stages in the 
Peninsular Campaign. The secret march to Rich- 
mond was still accomplishing the same great end. 
On June 26th, when Jackson suddenly appeared on 
the Chickahominy, '' Banks, Fremont, and McDow- 
ell were still guarding the roads to Washington, and 
McClellan was waiting for McDowell. One hun- 
dred and seventy-five thousand men absolutely 
paralyzed by 16,000 ! Only Napoleon's campaign 
of 1814 affords a parallel to this extraordinary 
spectacle.-" ^ 

^Official Records, Vol. XI, Part III, and Vol. XII, Part UI, 
^ Henderson's Jackson^ Vol. I, p. 413, 



CHAPTEE XIV 

THE SEVEN DAYS : GAINES' MILL 

During the early days of June, 1862, McClellan's 
army of more than 105,000 men lay intrenched on 
the banks of the Chickahominy . Of these, 30, 000 
were north of the stream, waiting for the coming of 
McDowell. The Federal soldiers on the southern 
bank were so near to Eichmond that they could 
hear the city clocks striking the hour. On June 
12th, J. E. B. Stuart led 1,200 Confederate horse- 
men on a circuitous march around the right flank 
of the enemy's forces. These bold riders moved to- 
ward the rear of the Federal encampments, and pro- 
ceeded thence on their way until they passed around 
the Federal left flank. Stuart thus made a com- 
plete circuit of McClellan's entire army and re- 
turned to Eichmond on the third day after begin- 
ning the march. This daring reconnaissance fur- 
nished Lee with information concerning the posi- 
tion of the enemy and on the 24th, after the con- 
ference with Jackson, the commander-in-chief is- 
sued the following order for the proposed attack 
against the Federal right wing on the north bank of 
the Chickahominy : 

''I. General Jackson's command will proceed to- 
morrow (June 25th) from Ashland toward the Slash 



THE SEVEN DAYS : GAINES' MILL 209 

[Merry Oaks] Church, and encamp at some con- 
venient point west of the Central Eailroad. 
Branch's brigade of A. P. HilPs division will, also, 
to-morrow evening, take position on the Chickahom- 
iny, near Half Sink. At three o'clock, Thursday 
morning, 26th instant. General Jackson will advance 
on the road leading to Pole Green Church, commu- 
nicating his march to General Branch, who will im- 
mediately cross the Chickahominy, and take the 
road leading to Mechanicsville. 

** As soon as the movements of these columns are 
discovered, General A. P. Hill, with the rest of his 
division, will cross the Chickahominy at Meadow 
Bridge, and move direct upon Mechanicsville. To 
aid his advance the heavy batteries on the Chicka- 
hominy will at the proper time open uj^ou the bat- 
teries at Mechanicsville. The enemy being driven 
from Mechanicsville and the passage of the bridge 
being opened. General Longstreet, with his divi- 
sion and that of General D. H. Hill, will cross the 
Chickahominy at or near that point ; General D. H. 
Hill moving to the support of GeneralJackson, and 
General Longstreet supporting General A. P. Hill ; 
the four divisions keeping in communication with 
each other, and moving en echelon on separate roads 
if practicable ; the left division in advance, with 
skirmishers and sharpshooters extending in their 
front, will sweep down the Chickahominy, and en- 
deavor to drive the enemy from his position above 
New Bridge, General Jackson bearing well to his 
left, turning Beaver Dam Creek, and taking the 
direction- toward Cold Harbor. 

** They will then press forward toward the York 
Eiver Railroad, closing upon the enemy's rear, and 
forcing him down the Chickahominy. An advance 
of the enemy toward Richmond will be prevented 
by vigorously following his rear, and crippllDg and 
arresting his progress." 



210 STONEWALL JACKSON 

The divisions oj" Huger and Magruder were by 
the same order commanded to hold their positions 
between the enemy and Richmond. Holmes's divi- 
sion was on the James below Richmond. More- 
over, Stuart's cavalry was ordered to take position 
on Jackson's left and keep the latter ''informed of 
the movements of the enemy on his left." * 

In this manner Lee set forth his plan of dividing 
his force of 85, 000 men, retaining about 33, 000 on 
the Richmond side of the Chickahominy and send- 
ing about 52,000 against the Federal right on the 
north bank of that stream. 

Jackson spent the night of the 25th at Ashland. 
His ardent soul, says Dabney, was "on fire" with 
anticipations of success in the approaching struggle. 
The delays enforced upon him, however, by the diffi- 
culties of the march from Frederickshall to Ashland, 
imposed heavy responsibilities. The duties con- 
nected with his position ''forbade rest or sleep for 
him on this important night. He deliberately de- 
voted the whole of it to the review of his prepara- 
tions and to prayer." He gave orders that the men 
should make ready their rations for three days. He 
summoned the commanders of the different divisions 
and issued instructions concerning the route to be 
followed. It was after midnight when two of his 
chief officers came to suggest that he should move 
the army by two columns on parallel roads. He lis- 
tened patiently and asked them to wait until morning 
for his decision. As they were going away, one of 
them said to the other, " Do you know why General 
1 Official Records, Vol. XI, Part I, p. 490. 



THE SEVEK DAYS : GAINES' MILL 211 

Jackson would not decide upon our suggestion at 
once ? It was because he has to pray over it, before 
he makes uj) his mind." The second officer had 
left his sword in Jackson's quarters and when here- 
turned, a few moments afterward, to secure it, he 
found the general bowed upon his knees, evidently 
seeking heaven's guidance in the midst of the duties 
of this critical hour.^ 

Early on the morning of June 26th, Whiting led 
the advance of the Valley army from Ashland. 
He followed the Ashcake road and at 9 A. M. the 
head of his column began to cross the Central Eail- 
way. At 10 : 30 A. M. , Branch, having received a 
message from Jackson, crossed the Chickahominy at 
Winston's Bridge and pressed down the northern 
bank. An hour later Jackson sent another message 
reporting progress. The columns of both Jackson 
and Branch were five or six hours later in advanc- 
ing than the time prescribed in the order of battle 
of the 24th. This was due to the unavoidable 
causes already mentioned. Jackson now kept well 
to the left, in accordance with instructions ; but 
there was constant skirmishing with the Federal 
cavalry. There were no maps of the country through 
which his forces were marching and broken bridges 
had to be rebuilt. Moreover, that necessary combi- 
nation between the four Confederate divisions, which 
should have been ensured by the headquarters staff 
at Richmond, was not established. Not a single 
courier reached Jackson during this entire day to tell 
him about the movements of the other divisions. 

' Dabney's Jackson, pp. 439-440. 



212 STONEWALL JACKSON 

On the other h^nd, Branch did not communicate 
to A. P. Hill Jackson's two messages of the morn- 
ing. At 3 p. M., therefore, Hill, being still without 
news from his colleagues, became impatient. Fear- 
ing that further delay might result in the failure of 
the whole plan, he crossed Meadow Bridge, drove 
away the enemy's pickets at Mechanicsville and 
formed a line of battle in front of the Federal posi- 
tion at Beaver Dam Creek. Longstreet and D. H. 
Hill began to cross the Chickahominy, when A. P. 
Hill, acting under what he supi)osed to be the 
necessities of the situation, ordered his division to 
assail the enemy's front. A messenger, sent by Lee 
to order him to advance no farther, did not arrive in 
time and the Confederates rushed bravely to the at- 
tack. A long line of Federal batteries, posted in a 
strong position, wrought heavy losses upon Hill's 
division and repulsed it. 

But where was Jackson while Hill was engaged in 
battle? Why did the Valley army not move to 
Hill's support? During the afternoon Jackson 
reached the north bank of the Totopotomoy Creek, 
which he found defended by Federal infantry and 
artillery. Confederate guns were moved forward to 
drive the enemy away. The sound of this cannon- 
ade, rolling through the forests, announced to Jack- 
son's colleagues that he was approaching the Federal 
rear. About 6 p. m. Jackson's forces crossed the 
creek and went into bivouac at Hundley's Corner. 
After this time, and just a little while before sunset, 
the roar of the Federal guns at Beaver Dam Creek 
was heard. This fierce outburst of artillery fire did 



THE SEVEN DAYS : GAINES^ MILL 213 

not last long. Moreover, the bivouac of the head of 
Jackson's column was more than three miles in a 
straight line through the thickets from Hill's battle- 
field. By the road the distance was still greater. 
It was impossible to come to the aid of Hill without 
making a night march through a difficult region and 
even then Jackson would have arrived too late. 

Beyond all this, the only information available to 
Jackson concerning A. P. Hill's position was con- 
tained in Lee's order of the 24th. According to 
that order. Hill was in close touch with Longstreet 
and D. H. Hill ; they could more readily furnish aid. 
Moreover, when A. P. Hill crossed at Meadow 
Bridge, the Confederate batteries on the Chicka- 
hominy were to open upon the batteries at Mechan- 
icsville. Jackson doubtless sui)posed that the roar 
of the guns from the southwest meant only that the 
other Confederate divisions were crossing the Chicka- 
hominy to place themselves in touch with the Valley 
army. He, therefore, halted at Hundley's Corner 
to establish communication with the other Con- 
federate divisions before continuing his advance.^ 



* In General E. P. Alexander's dlemoirs, p. 116, it is asserted 
that, on the afternoon of the 26th, Jackson lost " the opportunity 
to cut off Porter's corps at Beaver Dam." But it was not so 
easy a task thus to surround Porter. Beaver Dam Creek was 
held by oiily about one-third of Porter's corps ; namely McCall's 
division ; the rest of the corps was near Gaines' Mill. More- 
over, McCall was not " cut off " on the morning of the 27th, 
for he retired rapidly upon the other division when he learned 
of Jackson's approach. Alexander declares, also (p. 119), that 
A. P. Hill's attack was based upon " haste and poor judgment." 
This means, of course, that Hill should have postponed his at- 
tack until the next morning, thus giving Jackson reasonable 
time to make the circuitous march assigned him. 



214 STONEWALL JACKSON 

During the night the Federal forces, led by 
McCall, withdrew from Beaver Dam Creek, and took 
position at Gaines' Mill with the remainder of the 
Fifth Army Corps under the command of General 
Porter. A. P. Hill's gallant regiments moved early 
in the morning in iDursuit of the enemy, supported 
by Longstreet's division. Jackson rode across 
Beaver Dam Creek and met Lee on the roadway 
near Walnut Grove Church. It was there that Lee's 
staff-officers, pressing eagerly forward, had their 
first glimpse of the leader of the Valley army whose 
fame had come before him to the army at Eich- 
mond. The commander-in-chief ordered Jackson, 
with D. H. Hill in support, to move by a circuitous 
route to Old Cold Harbor and there to strike the 
enemy in flank after Hill and Longstreet should 
drive them in that direction. ' 

Porter's corps, 36,000 string, occupied, at 
Gaines' Mill, a plateau on the north bank of the 
Chickahominy. Behind Porter were two bridges 
furnishing an easy connection with McClellan's 
main body on the south bank. A fringe of trees 
and undergrowth along the crest of the plateau 
gave shelter to the Federal soldiers. Sixty feet be- 
low the crest, north and west of the plateau, flowed 
the sluggish Powhite Creek, bordered by swamps 
and thickets. Through this tangled wilderness the 
Confederates must advance to the attack. Three 
tiers of Federal riflemen awaited them ; one behind 
the steep bank of the creek, a second half-way up 

* Lee's official report says that Jackson was sent to Old Cold 
Harbor " to intercept his [enemy's] retreat in that direction." 



THE SEVEN DAYS : GAINES' MILL 215 

tlie face of the bluff and a third at the crest. A 
dozen batteries, numbering about eighty rifled guns, 
swept the ground over which Lee's regiments must 
approach Porter's position. 

At twelve o'clock A. P. Hill's advanced 
regiments arrived at Gaines' Mill and at once be- 
came engaged with Porter's skirmishers. Hill's 
four batteries moved up and an artillery duel began 
to roar out its summons to the other divisions of 
both armies. Longstreet's column reached the 
field and at 2 : 30 P. M. Hill's infantry was sent 
through the woods to make an attack in force near 
New Cold Harbor. A bloody conflict followed. 
The Confederates swept forward in gallant style 
and assailed the Federal centre. They crossed the 
swamp, drove back the first Federal line and 
started up the slope of the plateau. The hail of 
iron from the guns on the crest and the storm of 
bullets cut down Hill's soldiers by the hundreds. 
The Confederate assault gradually abated in force 
and Longstreet's division was sent in on Hill's 
right. 

Jackson's march eastward from Walnut Church 
was delayed by timber felled across the roadway, 
and by Federal shari)shooters. His division moved 
around .by Bethesda Church and D. H. Hill was 
allowed to take a shorter route, thus becoming the 
leader of Jackson's column. At 2 p. m. Hill's 
advanced-guard reached Old Cold Harbor and 
Jackson sent forward a battery to test the Federal 
position. So fierce a reply was drawn from the 
Federal guns that the Confederate cannon were 



216 STONEWALL JACKSON 

moved back. A.^P. Hill's attack at 2: 30 p. M. 
now began to make the forests resound with the 
crash of musketry and Jackson deployed his ad- 
vanced regiments in the fields near Old Cold Harbor. 

General Lee held the opinion that McClellan 
would retreat down the Peninsula to Fortress 
Monroe. In the order of the 24th Jackson was 
commanded to outflank the Federal right and cut it 
off from the White House, while the other Con- 
federate divisions were to drive McClellan down 
the Chickahominy. On the morning of the 27th 
in the interview at Walnut Church, as we have seen, 
Lee ordered Jackson to draw up his brigades in line 
at Old Cold Harbor and wait there until Hill and 
Longstreet should drive the Federal forces toward 
him. But the latter were not easily driven. They 
did not wish, in fact, to move toward the York 
Eiver at all, for McClellan had already determined 
to change his base of supplies from the White 
House to Harrison's Landing on the James River. 
He was even planning for a retreat across the 
Peninsula to the latter point. Porter's corps at 
Gaines' Mill proposed, therefore, first of all, to make 
a stout fight to maintain its. position and, if de- 
feated, to retire across the Chickahominy by the 
two bridges in the rear. 

Jackson listened to the sound of A. P. Hill's 
attack and when it began to diminish, he under- 
stood that the Federal forces were not to be driven 
by Hill and Longstreet. The sun was already 
sinking. There was no time to be lost in 
manoeuvres around the enemy's flank. A front 



THE SEVEN DAYS : GAINES' MILL 217 

attack must be made and that at once if Porter was 
to be defeated on that day. Jackson, therefore, 
ordered his entire army to advance immediately 
against the Federal stronghold. D. H. Hill was 
instructed to attack the extreme right of the 
Federal line. Ewell was told to move forward 
through the woodland on Hill's right. Whiting, 
Lawton, and Winder, in the order named, were to 
lead their divisions into the gap between EwelFs 
right and A. P. Hill's division. 

The forest through which Jackson's soldiers 
advanced was filled with tangled undergrowth. 
None of the men knew the country and many of 
them lost their way. One regiment began to cross 
the pathway of another, and the line of attack 
soon lost its solid form. The regular soldiers of the 
Federal army held the right end of Porter's line 
and with steady courage they met the attack of 
D. H. Hill. Heavy guns and muskets x>oured a 
terrific fire upon the Confederates in the thickets. 
Hill's men made a gallant struggle but they had to 
fall back. Ewell moved boldly forward on Hill's 
right but he could not scale the side of the plateau. 
Ewell also was forced to withdraw. 

Jackson's remaining divisions, those of Whiting, 
Lawton and Winder, had not yet entered the con- 
flict. The young staff-officer through whom Jack- 
son sent the verbal order commanding these three 
bodies of troops to advance, misunderstood the 
general's meaning and told the soldiers to remain 
at rest and await further instructions. Major 
Dabney, chief of the staff, always vigilant, dis- 



218 STONEWALL JACKSON 

covered the mist^e and corrected it by sending the 
brigades forward. Whiting led the way but he did 
not reach the part of the field which Jackson ex- 
pected him to cover, for Lee met Whiting and sent 
him to support A. P. Hill. Lawton's Georgians 
advanced to the aid of Ewell. Two of Winder's 
brigades lost their way in the forest, moved far to 
the Confederate right and added their strength to 
Longstreet's division. The Stonewall Brigade rein- 
forced the broken line of D. H. Hill. Six of Jack- 
son's batteries also moved forward to the aid of 
Hill and began to hurl their shot and shell among 
Sykes's regulars on the i)lateau. 

The lull in the battle had made Jackson anxious. 
He did not know that his three rear divisions had 
not entered the fight. For the only time in his 
career, he was seen riding restlessly to and fro. 
When the sun was within a half-hour of the horizon, 
Jackson's "cheek and brow were blazing with the 
crimson blood," says Dabney, "and beneath the 
visor of his old drab cap, his eye glared with a fire 
before which every other eye quailed. . . . Un- 
conscious that his veteran brigades were but now 
reaching the ridge of battle, he sujjposed that all 
his force had been put forth, and (what had never 
happened before) the enemy was not crushed." 
Then Jackson called his staff about him and sent 
his last orders to the commanders of his divisions, in 
these words: "Tell them this affair must hang 
in suspense no longer ; let them sweej) the field with 
the bayonet." ^ The couriers sped away but before 

* Dabney 's Jackson, p. 455. 



THE SEVEN DAYS : GAINES' MILL 219 

they could deliver the message, Stonewall's brigades 
were sweeping forward to the attack. About the 
same time Lee gave the order for a general advance, 
and the Confederate infantry in every part of the 
field rushed toward the Federal stronghold with 
fixed bayonets. ^^ Jackson's men are here!" 
''Stonewall Jackson!" These were the shouts 
that ran along the line as the brave Southern sol- 
diers made their way through the swamp to the foot 
of the plateau. On the Confederate right, Long- 
street's men charged in gallant style up the slope of 
Turkey Hill. On the left, D. H. Hill rallied his 
regiments and, aided by the Stonewall Brigade, as- 
sailed the Federals in both flank and front and 
gained a foothold on the ridge. '^ Hurrah for 
Georgia!" shouted General Ewell, as Lawton's 
3,500 muskets rushed across the creek to drive back 
the regulars. Against the Federal center a gallant 
assault was made by Whiting's division. This was 
composed of Hood's brigade of Texans, on the left, 
and Law's brigade of Alabamiaus and Mississippians 
on the right, each 2,000 strong. The men were 
formed in two lines ; with desperate courage they 
swept over the enemy's intrenchments under a 
withering fire from the Federal troops and made a 
great gap in the center of Porter's line on the crest 
of the plateau. Then on the right and left Porter's 
regiments were forced back and, abandoning twenty- 
two of their guns, his troops poured across the two 
bridges to the southern bank of the Chickahominy. 
Jackson himself, in his official report, spoke as fol- 
lows concerning the charge made by Whiting's men : 



220 STONEWALL JAOKSOK 

'^ On my extreme right General Whiting advanced 
his division through the dense forest and swamp, 
emerging from the wood into the field near the pub- 
lic road and at the head of the deep ravine which 
covered the enemy's left. Advancing thence 
through a number of retreating and disordered 
regiments he came within range of the enemy's fire, 
who, concealed in an open wood and protected by 
breastworks, poured a destructive fire for a quarter 
of a mile into his advancing line, under which many 
brave officers and men fell. Dashing on with uufal- 
tering step in the face of these murderous discharges 
of canister aud musketry, General Hood and Colonel 
Law, at the heads of their respective brigades, 
rushed to the charge with a yell. Moving down a 
I)recipitous raviue, leaping ditch and stream, clam- 
bering up a difficult ascent, and exposed to an iu- 
cessaut and deadly fire from the intrenchments, 
those brave and determined men i)ressed forward, 
driving the enemy from his well-selected and 
fortified position. In this charge, in which upward 
of 1,000 men fell, killed and wounded, before the 
fire of the eneni}^, and in which fourteen pieces 
of artillery and nearly a whole regiment were 
captured, the Fourth Texas, under the lead of 
General Hood, was the first to pierce these strong- 
holds and seize the guns. Although swept from 
their defences by this rapid and almost matchless 
display of daring and valor, the well-disci])lined 
Federals continued in retreat to fight with stubborn 
resistance." ' 

The Federal troops fought throughout the day 
with distinguished courage, and Porter managed his 
battle with fine judgment. He was defeated by the 
extraordinary resolution of the Southern riflemen 

» Official Records, Vol. XI, Part I, pp. 555-556. 



THE SEVEN DAYS : GAIKES' MILL 221 

who scaled the Federal breastworks in the face of an 
appalling fire, with little aid from the Confederate 
cannon. Eavines, tangled swamps, heaj)s of logs, 
earthworks, blazing cannon and a crashing mus- 
ketry fire did not hold in check the rush of the 
Confederate soldiers, although they were resisted at 
most points by equal numbers and in some places 
by more numerous foes. The forest was so dense 
that the large guns of the Southerners could not 
get into position except on the left. The victory 
was won, therefore, by musketry fire and bayonet 
charges. A heavy price was paid, however, for this 
success. The Confederate loss in killed and wounded 
was more than 6,000. Of this number about 3, 700 
belonged to Jackson's forces. The Federal loss in 
killed and wounded was 4,000, with 2,837 men taken 
prisoners. 

As the Federal regiments, in the gathering dark- 
ness, fled from the plateau, they were met by two 
Federal brigades, about 6,000 strong, which McClel- 
lan had sent to Porter's aid. During the day, the 
Confederate divisions of Magruder and Huger had 
made demonstrations of so bold a character in 
McClellan's front, that the latter was afraid to de- 
tach any more of his troops for the battle on the 
north bank of the Chickahominy. He, at last 
ordered -the two brigades across the stream, but 
Porter's battle was then lost and his broken lines 
were in retreat southward. When Jackson went to 
the front on the captured plateau, darkness had 
fallen and his advanced -guard had halted. It was 
too late to reform his line of battle and pursue the 



222 STONEWALL JACKSON 

enemy through the tangled forests. Stuart's cav- 
alry was far to the left, awaiting the retreat of the 
enemy down the Chickahominy. Jackson himself, 
however, accompanied by a small number of aides, 
rode so far forward that he came suddenly upon a 
Federal outpost. Without a moment's hesitation 
he spurred his horse among the soldiers and ordered 
them to surrender. They yielded without question, 
and the group of about twenty prisoners, as they 
marched to the rear, announced to all whom they 
met that they had had the honor of being taken by 
Stonewall Jackson. 



J 



CHAPTEE XY 

THE SEVEN DAYS : FRAZIER'S FARM AND 
MALVERN HILL 

When Lee's scouts examined the field of Gaines^ 
Mill on the morning of June 28th, they found that 
the Chickahominy bridges had been destroyed and 
that McClellan's forces had all withdrawn to the 
southern bank of that stream. It was evident that 
McClellan meant to retreat. The victory of the 
27th had, therefore, wrought the deliverance of 
Eichmond from an immediate attack. The problem 
before the Confederate leader, however, was the dis- 
covery of the route to be followed by the Federal 
army in its withdrawal. It was possible that 
McClellan might again cross to the north bank of 
the Chickahominy by the lower bridges and march 
with all his forces toward the York Eiver. In view 
of this possibility, Lee sent Stuart's horsemen and 
EwelPs division of infantry down the river to guard 
the railway bridge and Bottom's Bridge. The 
enemy themselves, however, burned the railway 
bridge ; then Stuart made a dash for the White 
House and at that point, on the 29th, destroyed 
large quantities of Federal stores. This movement 
kept the cavalry from sharing in the work of pur- 
suing McClellan, for Stuart did not again join Lee 
until after the conflict at Malvern Hill. 



224 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Although the upper bridges were all destroyed, 
McOlellan might retire down the river and recross 
by the lower bridges on his way to Fortress Monroe. 
For this reason the Confederate army remained inac- 
tive on the field of Gaines' Mill during the entire day 
after the battle. Late in the afternoon of the 28th, 
it was learned that McClellan's column was moving 
through White Oak Swamp toward the James. 
Lee, therefore, issued orders that liis brigades should 
follow in pursuit on the morning of the 29th. 

From the southern edge of the swamp, only the 
distance of six miles lay before McClellan's column 
until it could reach a shelter near the Federal gun- 
boats on the James. He had gained an entire day 
for the movement of his trains. The Confederates 
must march rapidly if they were to strike a decisive 
blow. Even yet it was possible to assail the Federal 
army in the flank, as it crept slowly across the 
Peninsula toward the James. 

A body of 26,500 Confederates, under Magruder 
and Huger, was already on the south bank of the 
Chickahomiuy in close touch with McClellan. 
After sunrise on the 29th they were ordered to 
move, — Magruder on the Williamsburg road and 
Huger on the Charles City road, — to assail the enemy 
in the rear and flank. Longstreet and A. P. Hill 
were to proceed across the Chickahomiuy at New 
Bridge, which had been rebuilt by Magruder. 
Thence they were to follow the Darbytown road in 
the direction of Charles City crossroads. Near 
that point they would be in position to assail 
McClellan's column as it emerged from the road 



THE SEVEN DAYS : FEAZIER'S FARM 225 

across White Oak Swamp. While Longstreet and 
Hill were assigned the longest march, Jackson was 
given the most difficult route to pursue. He was 
ordered to cross at Grape Vine Bridge, proceed 
down the southern bank of the Chickahominy and 
follow in the track of McClellan's army through 
White Oak Swamp. 

The four Confederate columns, widely separated, 
were not brought into close cooperation at any time 
during the 29th. The Grape Vine Bridge had been 
destroyed and D. H. Hill's engineers, working 
vigorously, spent the entire day in rebuilding it. 
Two or three hours after midnight, Jackson's troops 
crossed to the southern side.^ On the afternoon of 
the 29th Magruder made two attacks against the 
Federal rear-guard near Savage Station, but was 
repulsed. Longstreet and Hill marched only twelve 

^ E. P. Alexander's assertions (Memoirs, p. 145) that "the re- 
building of Grape Vine Bridge was not a serious matter " and 
that "Jackson excused not only himself, but his troops, also, 
because it was Sunday," are not supported by the evidence. 
In the first place, it would require more than mere conjecture 
to establish the charges that, in order to rest on Sunday, Jackson 
wilfully disobeyed Lee's instructions, and then attemj)ted to 
excuse the disobedience by pretending that he was working on 
the bridge ! The story of the Valley campaign has shown us 
that Jackson did not allow his respect for Sunday to interfere 
with a military duty. Moreover, in his official report, Jackson 
gives us his own statement that the day was necessarily taken 
up in rebuilding the bridge. D. H. Hill's report supports 
this statement, for Hill's engineers were engaged in the 
work. Eweirs division of Jackson's corps was marching all 
day on this particular Sunday. Lee's order to move was not 
given until after sunrise ; Hill's division marched to the broken 
bridge and went to work on it ; Winder's division marched to 
the stream and then back again. Moreover, the men were with- 
out food all day and Major Dabney tells us that it was " a day of 
hard work." 



226 STONEWALL JACKSON 

miles from New /Bridge and went into camp at a 
point on the Darbytowu road still far distant from 
McOlellan's pathway. Huger did not come in sight 
of the enemy ; Holmes went into camp on the New 
Market road, and Stuart was at White House, 
north of the Chickahominy. McClellan destroyed 
large quantities of stores, left a hospital containing 
2,500 sick soldiers to fall into the hands of the Con- 
federates, and made his way in safety through 
White Oak Swamp, destroying the bridge after the 
passage of his rear- guard. 

On the morning of the 30th, the main body of the 
Federal army, more than 60,000 strong, was con- 
centrated near the Charles City crossroads. Twenty 
thousand men under Franklin, supported by heavy 
artillery, were facing northward at White Oak 
Bridge to defend the passage through the swamp. 
Two Federal corps, 40,000 strong, were at Frazier's 
Farm, commanding the approaches from the two 
Eichmond roads. At 4 p. m. on the 30th, Lee sent 
20,000 men into battle at Frazier's Farm ; one-half 
of them, led by Lougstreet, made the initial attack, 
and the rest, under A. P. Hill, advanced at a later 
hour. With matchless vigor, Longstreet and Hill 
struck the Federal line and broke the center, cap- 
turing fourteen guns and several hundred prisoners. 
The Federal flanks stood firm, however, and the Con- 
federates failed to reach the roadway along which 
McClellan was retreating. During this heavy con- 
flict. Holmes remained inactive near the James 
Eiver on the New Market road ; Magruder missed 
his proper way and marched and countermarched 



THE SEVEX DAYS : FRAZIEE'S FARM 227 

between Holmes and Longstreet ; Huger was close to 
the battle-field but took no part in the struggle be- 
cause of the trees felled across the road. 

June 30th was the critical day of the entire 
campaign. What was Jackson doing within that 
period of great opportunities ! Is the blame for any 
lost opportunity to be laid upon him ? 

On the night of the 29th, he lay down on the 
ground to rest a little. At midnight a heavy rain 
came on and Jackson arose and crossed the Grai)e 
Vine Bridge, now rebuilt, to Savage Station. At 
2 : 30 A. M. on the 30th his troops began to move. 
He had ordered Munford, who had recently arrived 
from the Valley, to join him with his horsemen, at 
sunrise, at the crossroads near the station. The 
rain had scattered Munford' s men and with only 
about fifty sabres he rode to the crossroads a little 
after the time appointed. Jackson was there await- 
ing his arrival. ^' Colonel,'' said Jackson in sharp 
tones, ^' my orders to you were to be here at sun- 
rise." Munford explained, and the general rei^lied : 
^^Yes, sir. But, colonel, I ordered you to be here 
at sunrise. Move on with your regiment. If you 
meet the enemy, drive in his pickets, and if you 
want artillery, Colonel Crutchfield will furnish 
you." ' 

Munford collected his men as well as he could 
and pushed on so rapidly that he captured the 
entire Federal picket near White Oak Bridge. 
The bridge itself had been desti'oyed and the stream 

' Munford 's statement, quoted in Henderson's Jac/;son, Vol. 
II, pp. 49-51. 



228 STONEWALL JACKSON 

was swollen froiji the rain of the previous night. 
Beyond the creek at the crest of a ridge stood the 
Federal batteries of heavy rifled guns supported 
by Franklin's 20,000 muskets. McClellan's rear- 
guard was posted in a position of great strength, 
but at noon, when the Valley army arrived at the 
swamp, Jackson began the assault. He cut a path 
through the wood on the right of the road, moved 
forward thirty-one guns, ready shotted, and, at a 
signal, opened fire from all of them at the same 
moment. One of the Federal batteries was dis- 
persed, and the other at once withdrew from view ; 
their infantry supports also fell back. Two or 
three cannon were left by the Federals on the 
opposite bank and Jackson, therefore, said to 
Munford, "Colonel, move your regiment over the 
creek and secure those guns." Jackson rode with 
the cavalry. They found that the timbers of the 
trestle-bridge had been thrown into the stream, 
forming a tangled mass, while the supports of the 
bridge had been destroyed. ''I said to General 
Jackson," writes Muuford, "that I did not think 
that we could cross." Jackson waved his hand 
and replied, "Yes, colonel, try it." " In we went 
and floundered over," says Munford, "and before 
I formed the men, Jackson cried out to me to move 
on at the guns." The horsemen dashed at the 
cannon, but the hidden infiintry and artillery of 
the Federal corps opened fire and drove them back. 
The Confederate cavalry moved down the stream 
and recrossed " with great difficulty." ^ 

* Henderson's Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 50-51. 



THE SEVEN DAYS : FRAZIER'S FARM 229 

Jackson ordered some of his guns forward to 
drive away the enemy's sharpshooters and moved 
up the divisions of D. H. Hill and Whiting to make 
the rush across the stream. A body of Whiting's 
men was sent to the creek to rebuild the bridge. 
Fresh Federal batteries were brought up on the 
other side and their fire was so hot that the men 
ran back from the bridge and refused to work. 
Jackson's smooth-bore cannon were not able to 
silence the many rifled guns of the enemy. 

Then Jackson pushed a regiment over the stream 
and these men seized the belt of trees on the op- 
posite bank. The entire ground was examined to 
see if a way could be found to move against the 
flank of the enemy's position ; but every pathway 
through the forest was obstructed by felled trees. 
Wright's brigade of Huger's division, which had 
joined Jackson, was sent up stream to attempt a 
passage at Brackett's Ford. Wright found the 
bridge destroyed, the roads blockaded and the hills 
beyond the creek crowned with heavy batteries, 
supported by infantry. 

It was Jackson's duty to attack the Federal forces 
at any cost, say many Confederate officers. An 
assault against the Federal rear-guard at the White 
Oak Bridge, it is asserted, would have ensured the 
success of the battle fought by Longstreet and Hill 
at Frazier's Farm, on the Federal flank. Various 
reasons have been assigned to explain Jackson's 
supiDosed failure in duty; such as, ^^ physical 
fatigue," ^' a feeling of pity for his soldiers," and 
that his mind was resting under some ''spell." 



230 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Doctor McGuire, lyDwever, tells us that he never saw 
Jackson ^' more active and energetic" than on that 
day. Munford's report sustains the same view. 
The theories of '^ physical fatigue" and peculiar 
^^ spell" may certainly be dismissed as purely 
imaginary. 

An attack by Jackson against the Federal rear- 
guard would, without question, have rendered 
valuable aid to Longstreet and Hill. It is not 
certain, however, that such an assault would have 
assured a complete Confederate victory. That 
could have been gained only by the cooiDcration 
of Huger, Magruder and Holmes, who did not come 
into contact with the enemy at all. Moreover, 
Jackson's conduct must be estimated in the light 
of the knowledge Avhich was available to him in 
that critical hour when he found that it was im- 
possible to outflank the Federal forces at the bridge. 
He knew that Lee himself had moved far toward 
the right for the purpose of striking the Federal 
army in the flank with the combined divisions of 
Longstreet, A. P. Hill, Magruder, Huger and 
Holmes, a force of about 50, 000 men. It was not ^ 
until 4 p. M. that the battle began at Frazier's 
Farm, and it was near sunset when Lee sent 
A. P. Hill into the fight. Jackson had good reason 
to suppose that the Confederates on the right flank 
of the enemy would win the field. As to the 
Federal rear-guard at White Oak Bridge, it was 
posted in a position far stronger than that of Porter 
at Gaines' Mill. A direct attack might fail. It 
was not in accordance with Jackson's method of 



THE SEVEK DAYS : FEAZIEE'S FAEM 231 

warfare to make bayonet charges directly in front 
of batteries and intrenched infantry, unless that 
course was absolutely necessary to attain success. 
Jackson did not think that the duty of that hour 
called upon him to sacrifice his men in an attack 
which might prove a failure and worse than useless. 
From his point of view it was not wise to rush to 
the assault, and Lee did not send him a specific 
order to take the risk. 

But why did not Jackson move around to the 
head of the swamp into the Charles City road and 
march to Frazier's Farm? ''If General Lee had 
wanted me, he could have sent for me,'^ ^ said 
Jackson himself to some of his own officers in reply 
to this question. His orders held him on the road- 
way in the Federal rear and there he must remain 
without taking perilous risks until Lee sent him 
elsewhere. In his report Jackson wrote that "the 
marshy character of the soil, the destruction of the 
bridge over the marsh and creek, and the strong 
position of the enemy for defending the passage, 
prevented my advancing until the following morn- 
ing. ^^ ^ 

During the night that followed the battle of 
Frazier's Farm, McClellan's army withdrew to 
Malvern Hill and took up a strong position. At 
dawn on the morning of July 1st, Jackson's column 
led the Confederate advance until it was halted by 
the fire of the Federal batteries. Lee and Jackson 
rode to the front and saw the Federal guns posted 

' Heuderson's Jackson^ Vol. II, p. 57. 
2 Official Records, Vol. XI, Part I, p. 784. 



232 STONEWALL JACKSON 

on the plateau of Malvern Hill, 150 feet above the 
sulTOunding country. The entire Federal army was 
drawn up in line of battle at the top of the long 
slope, with 250 rifled guns ready to sweep the field 
in front with their fire. The Federal position was 
much stronger than that of Porter's corps at Gaines' 
Mill, for the hill was higher and one flank was 
supported by the fire from the Federal gunboats in 
the James Eiver. 

Jackson advised against an attack in front and 
suggested a movement around the enemy ^s right 
flank. Longstreet, on the other hand, reconnoitered 
the enemy's left and recommended a combined ad- 
vance of the infantry, to be preceded by heavy 
artillery fire. Lee accepted Longstreet' s view and 
ordered the Confederate guns to move forward and 
open the way for an assault. The Confederate infan- 
try was formed in line of battle in the edge of the 
forest at the foot of the Malvern plateau ; Jackson 
occupied the left, with D. H. Hill on the right of 
the roadway and Whiting on the left ; Magruder 
and Huger were on the right of D. H. Hill ; Holmes 
was still farther to the right. 

The Confederate reserve artillery under General 
Pendleton did not enter the battle at all. The 
Confederate field batteries advanced, a few guns at a 
time, and were driven back by the heavy Federal 
cannon. Lee then abandoned the idea of making a 
frontal attack and ordered Longstreet and A. P. Hill 
to lead their divisions to the part of the field rec- 
ommended by Jackson in the early morning ; that 
is, near the enemy's right flank. At that critical 



I 



THE SEVEN DAYS : FEAZIER'S FAEM 233 

moment, liowever, the battle began througb a mis- 
understanding of orders. Armistead, one of Huger' s 
brigadiers, had been instructed by Lee to watch the 
artillery fire ; when he thought the advantageous 
moment had come, he was to advance with a yell. 
This yell was to be the signal for the divisions of 
D. H. Hill and Magruder to take part in the 
assault. About 5 :30 p. M., D. H. Hill heard some 
firing in Armistead' s front and wrongly supposing 
that he heard the proposed yell, moved his division 
of 10,500 men against the whole Federal ai*my. 
No other troops advanced with Hill's men. The 
latter were beaten back and then Huger made an 
attack. After his repulse Magruder advanced. 
These disjointed assaults were directed with match- 
less courage and persistency, but the Confederate loss 
was more than 5,000 men. In spite of the irregular 
mode of attack, the Confederates came near driving 
McClellan's entire army from the plateau ; this is 
known from the testimony of General Hunt, the 
Federal chief of artillery. During the succeeding 
night, McClellan ordered his troops to retreat to 
Harrison's Landing. ^'It was like the retreat of 
a whipped army,'^ said Joseph Hooker, one of 
McClellan's generals; ^^we retreated like a parcel 
of sheep, and a few shots from the rebels would have 
panic-stricken the whole command." ' 

Jackson understood the fact that McClellan was 
retreating and that he would not make an attempt 
to advance from Malvern Hill toward Richmond. 
During the night some of Jackson's officers aroused 

* Report on the Conduct of the War^ p. 580. 



234 STONEWALL JACKSON 

him and suggeste;^ the possibility of a counter at- 
tack by McClellan. To this he replied in very 
quiet tones, *' No : he will clear out in the morning.'^ 

At dawn on July 2d Jackson rode to the front. 
A dreary rain was falling and the roads were un- 
usually bad. He ordered his officers to form the 
soldiers in three lines of battle, and then to permit 
the men to build large fires and cook rations. Jack- 
son was thus ready to i)ursue McClellan' s army, but 
President Davis came to consult with General Lee 
and the conference lasted nearly all day. Jackson 
was present but took no active part. He did not 
volunteer any advice, says Dabney, but when he 
was questioned, replied in a brief, deferential 
manner. When the decision was reached that no 
pursuit would be made until Stuart's cavalry could 
find out the location of McClellan' s army, Jackson's 
dissent and consequent distress of mind were shown 
in the expression of his face, but he remained 
silent.^ 

On the morning of July 3d the Confederate army 
moved toward Harrison's Landing with Longstreet 
in advance. Incompetent guides led the troops 
astray and little progress was made. Jackson's 
men had to crawl along behind Longstreet' s soldiers. 
The delay chafed Jackson's spirit until his anger 
was almost at white heat. When the Confederates 
on July 4th at last came within sight of McClellan' s 
outposts, the Federal army was strongly intrenched. 
The day before Stuart led his horsemen to EveliDg- 

^ Dabney's letter, quoted iu Henderson's Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 
69-70. 



THE SEVEN DAYS : PRAZIER'S FARM 235 

ton Heights near Westover. He moved a howitzer 
forward and opened fire ui30u McClellan's entire 
arm}', encamped in the plain near the river. An 
unfortunate result followed the firing of that how- 
itzer, for it revealed to McClellan the danger of his 
position. He immediately, therefore, seized the 
heights and fortified them. When Lee and Jack- 
son made an examination of the place, they 
agreed that it was impregnable against attack and 
that it could not be turned. They, therefore, with- 
drew their brigades to a point near Richmond. 

During the battles of the Seven Days the Con- 
federate loss was 20,000 men. The Federal loss was 
16,000, with fifty-two cannon and 35,000 stand of 
small arms. The greatest advantage to the Con- 
federates lay in the fact that Richmond was saved 
from the enemy. On June 27th McClellan was 
within sight of the spires of the capital city ; from 
that position, however, he fled, after having des- 
troyed vast quantities of military stores. In his 
flight he was pursued closely by the Confederates 
and after a week found himself on the James River, 
twenty or thirty miles from Richmond. Although 
won at heavy cost, Lee's movement against Mc- 
Clellan was a decided victory. There was sincere 
joy in Richmond and throughout the Southern 
commonwealths. The names of Lee and Jackson, 
the modest and unassuming heroes of the great con- 
flict, were on every tongue. 



CHAPTEE XVI 

CEDAR RUN 

While the Confederate army was watching Mc- 
Clellan at Harrison's Landing, Jackson's mind was 
full of plans with reference to further aggressive 
movements. The Federal army on the James was 
completely beaten, he declared to his friend, 
Alexander Boteler, the congressman from Win- 
chester. There was danger, however, said Jackson, 
that the fruits of the Confederate victory would be 
lost, ''as they had been lost after Bull Eun." He 
urged, therefore, that an army of 60,000 Con- 
federates should march at once into Maryland and 
threaten Washington. Jackson did not ask the 
privilege of leading the movement ; he was will- 
ing, he said, to follow any one — Lee, or Ewell, or 
any one who would fight. 

"Why do you not urge your views on General 
LeeV said Mr. Boteler. ''I have done so," re- 
plied Jackson. ' ' And what does he say to them ? ' ' 
''He says nothing," was Jackson's answer; "but 
do not understand that I complain of this silence ; 
itls proper that General Lee should observe it. He 
is wise and prudent. He feels that he bears a fear- 
ful responsibility, and he is right in declining a 
hasty expression of his purpose to a subordinate 
like me.'^ * 

* Dabney's Jackson^ p. 487, 



CEDAR RUN 237 

Jackson's views were laid before President Davis 
and received careful consideration. Additional 
troops were not then at hand to take the place of 
the Confederate army in front of Richmond. It was, 
therefore, not possible, in the opinion of Davis, to 
send a large force to threaten Washington. On 
July 13th, however, orders were issued to Jackson 
to lead two divisions to Gordonsville to protect the 
Virginia Central Railway against the enemy who 
was threatening to advance from Washington. 

Jackson's faithful adjutant. Major R. L. Dabney, 
was stricken down by severe sickness and could not 
continue in the campaign. ''It was with tearful 
eyes that I consented to our separation,'' wrote 
Jackson. He was soon to feel the need of this 
energetic chief- of-staff whom the general him- 
self described as "the most ef&cient officer he 
knew." ' 

On July 16th, Jackson's two divisions under Ewell 
and Winder began to arrive at Gordonsville. The 
general's tent was pitched in such a manner that 
through the open door he could see the distant out- 
line of the Blue Ridge. 

At Gordonsville, Jackson learned that his former 
enemies of the Valley were again marching toward 
him. The troops of Banks and Fremont had been 
led to the eastern side of the Blue Ridge. These 
two corps, with McDowell's corps at Fredericks- 
burg, formedthe Army of Virgin! a, numbering about 
47,000 men. The commander of this army. General 
John Pope, had been recently brought from the 
* Johnson's Life of Robert L. Dabney ^ p. 347. 



238 STONEWALL JACKSON 

West where he^had gained some successes. On 
July 14tli, Pope issued this address to his soldiers : 

' ' Let us understand each other. I have come to 
you from the West, where we have always seen the 
backs of our enemies ; from an army whose business 
it has been to seek the adversary, and to beat him 
when he was found ; whose policy has been attack 
and not defence. ... I presume that I have 
been called here to pursue the same system, and to 
lead you against the enemy. It is my purpose to 
do so, and that speedily. . . . Meantime, I de- 
sire you to dismiss from your minds certain phrases, 
which I am sorry to find much in vogue amongst 
you. I hear constantly of taking strong positions 
and holding them — of lines of retreat and bases of 
supplies. Let us discard such ideas. . . . Let 
us study the probable lines of retreat of our oppo- 
nents, and leave our own to take care of themselves. 
Let us look before and not behind. Success and 
glory are in the advance. Disaster and shame lurk 
in the rear.^' ^ 

Pope's men, in accordance with his permission, 
began to plunder the people of northern Virginia 
and to drive out of their homes those citizens who 
refused to take the oath of allegiance to the Federal 
government at Washington. This cruel and unjust 
mode of warfare aroused the Confederate govern- 
ment to denounce Pope and his of&cers as unworthy 
of the name of soldiers, — deserving only the treat- 
ment accorded to outlaws. The boastful com- 
mander from the West was now face to face with 
Jackson and the coming weeks were to bring to 
Pope a few wholesome lessons. Some one said to 

» Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 474. 



CEDAE RUN 239 

I, This new general claims your attention. ' ' 
^' And, if it please God, he shall have it,'^ was the 
reply. 

Pope made a bold use of his cavalry. He sent the 
Federal horsemen so near to Gordonsville and Rich- 
mond that Lee ordered Stuart's cavalry and A. P. 
Hill's Light Division to aid Jackson. The latter' s 
force then amounted to about 24,000 men and he 
was eager to attack some part of Pope's army be- 
fore it could be concentrated. 

The conferences held by Lee and Jackson imme- 
diately after the battles of the Seven Days had drawn 
these two leaders into that close friendship and 
harmony which was to become permanent. They 
were in full accord with reference to military move- 
ments. They agreed that there should be no more 
frontal assaults like that at Malvern Hill. ^'You 
are right, ' ' wrote Lee on August 4th, ' ' in not at- 
tacking them in their strong and chosen positions. 
They ought always to be turned, as you propose, 
and thus force them on to more favorable ground. ' ' ^ 

The commander-in-chief gave Jackson a gentle 
suggestion, also, with reference to the latter' s reti- 
cence concerning his plans. Lee wrote that he 
would find A. P. Hill ''a good officer, with whom 
you can consult, and by advising with your division 
commanders as to your movements, much trouble 
will be saved you in arranging details, and they 
can act more intelligently." ^ 

During the first week in August, Jackson sent 

1 Official Records, Vol. XII, Part III, p. 397. 

2 Idem, p. 409. 



240 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Stuart toward Fredericksburg to drive back 
McDowell's scouts. Then Jackson drew in his 
horsemen and retired with his infantry south of 
Gordonsville. This movement was a ruse intended 
to get Pope nearer to the Eapidan. The game 
worked admirably. Pope thought that he could 
easily seize Gordonsville and Charlottesville and he 
at once moved southward from his position near the 
headwaters of the Eappahannock. The Federal 
cavalry occupied the line of Eobertson Eiver, a 
tributary of the Eapidan, and on August 6th 
Banks led a brigade of infantry as far south as 
Culpei)er Court-House. At the same time Eicketts 
was ordered to lead forward to the same place one 
of the divisions of McDowell's corps. Jackson's 
scouts brought him the news and he immediately 
marched northward by hidden roads. He proposed, 
*' through the blessing of Providence," he wrote, to 
fall suddenly upon Banks's advanced detachment 
at Culpeper before reinforcements should arrive. 
' ' Banks is in front of me, ' ' said Jackson as he 
moved swiftly forward ; ^ ' he is always ready to 
fight." Then he added, with a laugh, as if speak- 
ing to himself, — ^' And he generally gets whipped." 
On the night of August 8th, Jackson's forces 
reached Orange Court-House and went into bivouac. 
Twenty miles lay between them and Culpeper and 
there were two rivers to cross, the Eapidan and the 
Eobertson. An early start was made on the morn- 
ing of the 8th, but the marching of the men was 
slow throughout the entire day. The Federal 
cavalry made a bold stand and caused some delay. 



CEDAR EUN 241 

The heat was so severe that a number of men 
dropped dead as they were marching. But the 
chief reason for the slow progress of the army was 
the fact that A. P. Hill had become angry because 
Jackson had not talked freely about his plans for the 
day. Hill made little eifort, therefore, to move his 
men forward and when night came his column had 
advanced only two miles. Ewell, however, had 
made only eight. The next day Hill atoned for his 
delinquency by manifesting his usual vigor. Long 
before dawn he aroused his men and led them for- 
ward so steadily that early in the day he came up 
with Winder and Ewell. The Confederate column 
crossed Eobertson River at Locustdale Ford, drove 
back the Federal cavalry and pressed up the dusty 
highway. A little before noon, the advanced-guard 
under Ewell arrived near the western base of 
Slaughter Mountain and there came into contact 
with the Federal horsemen. Banks had brought his 
entire corps from Culpeper and on the bank of Cedar 
Run he was now awaiting the apiiroach of Jackson. 
Early's brigade moved forward and found the 
Federal guns in position on the north side of the 
stream. Twenty-six Confederate cannon were 
brought to the front and for two hours a fierce 
artillery duel was carried on across the narrow val- 
ley. Jackson formed his line of battle with Ewell' s 
division on the right, along the northern face of 
Slaughter Mountain ; Winder's division was ar- 
rayed on the left ; and Hill was expected to support 
Winder. The latter formed his front line by plac- 
ing the Second Brigade (Garnett's) on the west side 



242 STONEWALL JACKSON 

of the road and tlye Third Brigade (Taliaferro's) on 
the east side. Jackson sent an order to Garnett, 
whose men occupied the extreme left flank of the 
Confederate position, ^ ' to look well to his left, and 
to ask his divisional commander for reinforcements. ' ' 
Before the gallant division leader, General Winder, 
could respond to this call, a shell struck him down 
on the field and he soon breathed his last.^ 

General Banks, who was a man of great courage, 
was now moving forward his entire force of 9, 000 
men to attack Jackson. The Confederate center was 
the first point of contact between the two armies, 
but Early's brigade, supported by Taliaferro, met 
the Federal forces there and kept them from cross- 
ing Cedar Eun. Farther up the stream, however, 
on Banks's right a strong Federal force camesweei)- 
ing across the fields with bayonets fixed and ban- 
ners flying. They moved around the Confederate left 
flank and drove back two Virginia regiments which 
were posted in that part of the field, for Winder's 
fall had prevented the streugtheuing of the left as 

'" General Winder, . . . dismounted and, in his shirt- 
sleeves, had taken his stand a few paces to the left of nij' gun, and 
with his field glass was intently observing the progress of the bat- 
tle. . . . While the enemy's guns were changing their posi- 
tion he gave some directions which we could not hear for the sur- 
rounding noise. I, being nearest, turned, and walking toward 
him, asked what he had said. As he put his hand to his mouth 
to repeat the remark, a shell passed through his side and arm, 
tearing them fearfully. He fell straight back at full length, and 
lay quivering on the ground. He had issued strict orders that 
morning that no one, except those detailed for the purpose, 
should leave his post to carry off the wounded, in obedience to 
which I turned to the gun and went to work. He was soon 
carried off, however, and died a few hours later." — Story of a 
Cannoneer Under Stoneivall Jackson, p. 95. 



CEDAE EUN 243 

Jackson had ordered. The attack made by the 
Federal regiments was pressed with great courage 
and they rolled up the Confederate line from the 
left to the center. The Stonewall Brigade, thus far 
held in reserve, advanced against their brave op- 
ponents and opened a deadly fire. Jackson sent 
orders to Ewell and A. P. Hill to make an immedi- 
ate attack and then he spurred his horse among his 
confused battalions near the center. The men were 
falling back with ranks broken, more like a mob 
than an army. For the first time in the war Jack- 
son drew his sword, and his voice rang out like a 
bugle, high above the noise of the battle : ' '■ Eally, 
men, and follow me ! " he said. The men halted 
and faced the other way, for Jackson's presence 
seemed to fill them with new courage. The brave 
Taliaferro, who had now succeeded Winder as com- 
mander of Jackson's old division, rode to his gen- 
eral's side and told him that the leader of the army 
should not be in the midst of the fighting. " Good, 
good," said Jackson, and then he withdrew slowly, 
for he saw the center brigades reforming for the 
counter attack. The charge of the Stonewall 
Brigade on the left drove the enemy back and Jack- 
son galloped to the head of the Light Division as 
Hill hurried his men into the battle. The Con- 
federates advanced against both Federal flanks, and 
Banks's men, who had made a most gallant struggle, 
turned to flee from the field. In order to relieve 
the pressure against his infiintry, the Federal leader 
sent a body of horsemen in a charge against the ad- 
vancing Confederates. Forming two lines, they 



244 STONEWALL JACKSON 

made a brilliaut dasli straight against Jackson's 
center. The rifle fire of the companies which 
occupied the roadway soon visited heavy dis- 
aster upon the brave cavahymen j 174 men and of- 
ficers entered the charge, but only seventy-one rode 
back. 

The entire Confederate line was now advancing 
across Cedar Eun. Jackson rode to the front and 
was greeted with the cheers of his victorious soldiers. 
A large body of Federal troops was captured. The 
struggle had lasted only an hour and a half but 
Banks's two divisions were so fearfully broken that 
they were unable to take any further part in the 
campaign. 

As night came on and the moon began to shed 
its full light upon the roadway, Banks retreated 
toward Culpeper Court-House. Jackson did not 
pause, but led his whole army forward in pursuit. 
At the distance of a mile and a half from Cedar Eun 
the Confederate skirmishers found a line of battle 
drawn up across the roadway. The Confederate 
cannon moved to the front and sent a storm of shells 
among the Federal regiments. General Pope him- 
self was i3resent and when these messengers of death 
came crashing among the trees near him, he did 
that which he had never done in ''the West" — he 
turned his back upon his foe and galloped to a 
safer position. The Federal batteries, however, 
opened a heavy fire and Jackson saw that the enemy 
was ready to dispute his further advance. The 
Confederate cavalry, moreover, brought in prison- 
ers who said that Fremont's army corps was on the 



CEDAE EUN 245 

field, commanded now by Sigel. Jackson, there- 
fore, halted his army for the night. 

Worn with fatigue and excessively hungry, the 
general rode over the field for some time in search 
of his headquarters wagons. As he passed near the 
bivouac of the Stonewall Brigade the men greeted 
him with enthusiastic cheers. He quickly made 
his escape from the light thrown out by their camp- 
fires, declaring to one of his aides that if he only 
had some milk he would be happy. The wagons 
were not found and milk could not be obtained. 
Jackson, therefore, wrapped his old cloak about 
him, stretched himself flat on his breast beneath a 
tree and instantly fell asleej).' 

Next morning Stuart's horsemen discovered the 
fact that the chief part of Pope's army had come for- 
ward and was drawn up to meet the Confederates. 
Since the enemy was so far superior in numbers, 
having about 32,000 men on the field and 10,000, in 
addition, a few miles away, Jackson withdrew be- 
hind Cedar Eun to the battle-field of the previous 
day. For two days, however. Pope made no sign 
of advancing ; and on the 11th he asked for a cessa- 
tion of hostilities long enough to permit him to bury 
his dead. This privilege was granted. The Fed- 
eral loss was 2,380, including 400 prisoners ; the Con- 
federate loss was 1,314. Jackson's message to Lee, 
sent on the 11th, began as follows : ' * On the evening 
of the 9th inst., God blessed our arms with another 
victory." In a letter to his wife he declared that he 
could scarcely think of his fallen brigadier, the 

*See Cooke's Jackson, p. 265. 



246 STONEWALL JACKSON 

chivalrous Wind^, '' without tearful eyes.'' *' Let 
us all unite," he added, "in imploring God's aid in 
fighting our battles for us." 

On the night of the 11th Jackson moved south- 
ward again toward Gordonsville, taking along his 
prisoners, with 5, 000 rifles and one gun captured in 
the battle. He was beginning once more to play a 
strategical game in front of Pope, with the hope of 
drawing that commander south of the Eapidan. 
The Confederate victory at Cedar Kun had not only 
resulted in the crushing of Pope's advanced-guard 
and the destruction of two Federal divisions, but 
it wrought mightily upon the imagination of the 
Federal rulers in Washington. On August 3d, they 
had instructed McClellan to withdraw his army 
from the James Eiver to the capital in order that 
he might aid Pope. After the defeat of a part of 
Pope's army at Cedar Eun, McClellan was ordered 
with more urgency than before to hasten the move- 
ment of his troops. He must return from Eich- 
mond, said Lincoln and Stanton, and place his 
brigades in front of Washington. 



, 



CHAPTEE XVII 

GROVETON 

After withdrawing from Cedar Eun, Jackson 
concealed his army behind the forests near Goidons- 
ville. The Federal authorities at Washington were 
mystified ; they did not know where he might sud- 
denly strike them a blow. On August 13th, Lee 
learned that McClellan was moving his troops down 
the James Eiver j he at once, therefore, sent Long- 
street with twelve brigades toward Gordonsville. 
On the night of the 15th, Jackson's forces marched 
by country roads past Orange Court- House to Pisgah 
Church, where Lee and his generals held a council 
on the 16th. The Confederate lookout on Clark's 
Mountain reported that Pope's army had ad- 
vanced to the Eapidan and that his tents in great 
number could be seen far up stream in the direction 
of Madison Court-House. Jackson's brigades were 
then within six miles of the Federal left flank ; he, 
therefore, proposed an advance across the Eapidan 
against -the flank and rear of Pope's army. Lee ac- 
cepted the suggestion and gave the following orders 
for the early dawn of August 18th : Jackson's 
forces, crossing the Eapidan at Somerville Ford, 
and Longstreet's men, crossing at Eaccoon Ford, 
were to advance on Culpeper ; while Stuart's 
cavalry was to pass the river farther east at 



248 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Morton's Ford and cut the railway in the rear of 
the Federal army. Eeinforcements from Fredericks- 
burg had arrived and Pope's army numbered 52,500 
men. His troops were widely scattered, however. 
On the other hand, Lee had 55,000 men ready to 
fall upon the Federal rear with the rising of the 
sun on the 18th. It was a great opportunity to 
defeat and, perhaps, to destroy the Federal army. 

The scheme failed through misapprehensions on 
the part of Stuart and Fitzhugh Lee, commanders 
of the Confederate cavalry. Stuart sent an order, 
not sufficiently urgent, advising Lee to bring his 
brigade to Yerdiersville, five miles from Raccoon 
Ford, on the night of the 17th. Lee did not 
give literal obedience to Stuart's instructions, 
for he marched in a circuitous way, in order to 
obtain supplies, and did not reach the appointed 
place in time to lead the Confederate advance. 
Moreover, Stuart himself, with a small body of 
attendants, rode too far toward the enemy's out- 
posts, and his chief of the staff was captured, with 
Stuart's of&cial papers. Among these was a letter 
from General Lee, disclosing the fact that Long- 
street had brought his brigades to Jackson's assist- 
ance. 

On the evening of the 17th it was reported that 
the horsemen had not reached their appointed 
rendezvous. Jackson urged, however, that the 
movement should be made the following morning 
without the aid of Stuart's cavalry. The horse- 
men were not needed to secure information and 
Jackson had cavalry in sufficient numbers to guard 



GEOVETON 249 

both flanks of the army. Then Longstreet inter- 
posed the objection that his sui^ply-traius had not 
come up and that his men could not march without 
provision-wagons. Jackson replied that the fields 
would furnish green corn and green apples and 
that the enemy's storehouse at Brandy Station 
could be speedily captured. An eye-witness of 
the scene tells us that Jackson manifested a passion- 
ate eagerness in urging that the movement should 
go forward and that when General Lee decided to 
postpone the advance until the morning of the 20th, 
Jackson groaned aloud. 

On the 18th, Pope learned that the Confederates 
were about to move between his army and Wash- 
ington. He at once began his retreat therefore 
toward the Eappahannock River. On the after- 
noon of the 19th, Lee and Longstreet, standing 
together on Clark's Mountain, saw the Federal 
army in motion toward its rear. Before dawn on 
the 20th the Confederates plunged through the 
Rapidan and marched rapidly in pursuit. Jackson' s 
troops made a journey of twenty miles to Brandy 
Station and Longstreet reached a point near Kelly's 
Ford. Pope's army had made good its escape and 
was now strongly posted on the north bank of the 
Rappahannock. 

The next plan of the Confederates was to turn 
the Federal right. On the 22d, therefore, Jackson 
marched ten miles up the river from Rappahannock 
Station and sent Early's brigade across the stream 
at Sulphur Springs. The rain began to pour down 
in such torrents, however, that the river was soon 



250 STONEWALL JACKSON 

in flood and Earjy's brigade was cut off from the 
rest of the army. The next day Jackson repaired 
an old, broken bridge, which he found there and 
sent another brigade to support Early. ' ' Tell 
General Early to hold his position," was Jackson's 
message to his brigadier who had requested to be 
withdrawn. On the 24th both brigades were brought 
back over the river. 

Meanwhile, Stuart had crossed the stream on 
August 22d still farther up at Waterloo Bridge and 
with 1,500 horsemen, had swept rapidly through 
Warren ton as far as Catlett's Station on the 
Orange and Alexandria Eailroad. The supply- 
trains of Pope's army were packed there near the 
railway track. The night was dark and the rain 
was falling in torrents, but Stuart's men rode 
boldly into the Federal encampment, which 
was occupied by about 2,000 soldiers as train- 
guards. A negro, who recognized Stuart, led the 
latter to the headquarters tent of General Pope 
himself. The Federal commander's uniform, his 
treasure- chest and his personal effects, together 
with one of his staff-ofl&cers, were captured. The 
railway bridge over Cedar Eun was so saturated 
with water that it was not possible to set it on fire. 
Stuart brought away 300 prisoners and on the 
evening of the 23d arrived again on the southern 
bauk of the Eappahannock. He had captured 
Pope's dispatch-book which furnished detailed 
iuformation concerniug the actual streugth and 
location of all his troops and the reinforcements 
that he was expecting. The twofold movement 



GEOVETON 251 

made across the river by Stuart's cavalry and 
Early's infantry, and their subsequent withdrawal, 
ultimately had a great effect upon the progress of 
the campaign, for Pope was now convinced that the 
attempt to move around his right flank had been 
abandoned. 

The thundering of Longstreet's guns from day 
to day along the river below had not deceived 
Pope. He had followed Jackson up the stream 
and on the 21th the Federal army was concentrated 
opposite Sulphur Springs, on the Warrenton and 
Gainesville road. Moreover, Pope's dispatch-book 
revealed the fact that a part of McOlellan's army 
had landed at Aquia Creek and was marching to 
Pope's aid ; that a large force was also concentrat- 
ing at Washington and that within a few days a 
Federal army of 150,000 men might be arrayed 
along the Eappahannock. 

This serious situation called for immediate action 
on the part of the Confederate leaders. They could 
not stand on the defensive in the presence of an 
enemy so strong. Eetreat to Eichmond, or a 
prompt advance against some part of Pope's army ; 
— these were the only alternatives. On the evening 
of the 24th, therefore, Lee and Jackson met in 
conference at Jefferson. Pope's letters and dis- 
patches were before them. Jackson was much ex- 
cited ; at one time, during the discussion of the 
XDroblem, a staff-officer saw him drawing a map 
in the sand with the toe of his boot and waving his 
arms in the most positive manner. The result of 
the council was a plan, the most daring in the lives 



252 STONEWALL JACKSON 

of these two leaders, and, perhaps, the most daring 
in the history of warfare. Lee decided to divide 
his army in the very face of the enemy and to send 
Jackson around by a wide sweep northward through 
the Bull Euu Mountains at Thoroughfare Gap to 
strike the railway which was furnishing supi)lies 
to Pope's army. With his line of communications 
thus broken, Poi)e would be forced to withdraw 
from the Eappahannock toward Washington. 
Longstreet was then to follow Jackson through 
Thoroughfare Gap, and the two Confederate wings 
would combine in an attack against Pope's army. 

A very heavy risk was involved in the enterprise, 
but the two great leaders assumed the responsibility 
and Jackson began to prepare his men for the most 
remarkable march that he ever made. 

In anticipation of the movement, he had already 
withdrawn his troops from the bank of the river. 
Longstreet' s brigades now quietly took their places 
without disclosing the change to the Federal army. 
Long before the dawn on August 25th, the Valley 
army began its march in three divisions ; namely, 
E well's, A. P. Hill's and Taliaferro's (Stonewall 
Division). The only baggage carried by the men 
was a supply of half-baked biscuits, thrown into 
the haversacks. Some cattle were driven along be- 
hind the army, but the men expected to live chiefly 
on the green corn standing in the fields. Some tin- 
cans and frying-pans formed the only outfit for 
camping. As they moved rapidly northward, 
Longstreet' s guns were roaring out along the Eappa- 
hannock, bidding Jackson's men to hasten. But 



GKOVETOK 253 

the latter needed no urging. None but the general 
himself knew the purpose of the movement. The 
soldiers asked no questions, however, for they had 
absolute trust in ^' Old Jack.'' Full of enthusiasm, 
they swept forward. Captain Boswell acting as 
guide. Through woods and valleys, across fields, 
whenever the shortest line led that way, the eager 
soldiers marched. The August sun was hot, but in 
response to their great leader's request, they did 
their best. 

The course lay through Amissville, Orleans and 
Salem. Near the close of the day, writes a staff- 
officer, Jackson rode to the head of the leading 
brigade and complimented its chief officer '^upon 
the good condition of his men and the fine march 
made that day. They had then traveled more than 
twenty miles, and were still moving on briskly, and 
without stragglers." * Jackson then dismounted 
and stood upon a stone by the roadside to watch his 
army pass. The sun was descending behind the 
Blue Eidge ; its rays fell upon the faded old uni- 
form and revealed a glow of pride in Jackson's face. 
Ewell's division was in front and as the men came 
up, they began to cheer. Jackson raised his hand 
to stop them and the word was passed along the 
column, '-Don't shout, boys; the Yankees will 
hear us."' Without cheering, .therefore, the men 
waved their caps to show him respect and moved 
on. The Stonewall regiments came next, however, 
and their enthusiasm was beyond restraint. The 
yell of the Stonewall Brigade set all the rest to 
^Cooke's Jackson, p. 275. 



254 STONEWALL JACKSON 

shouting. *^It is of no use," said Jackson to his 
staff; ''you see* I can't stop them." His sun- 
burned face was beaming with delight as he added, 
'' Who could fail to win battles with such men as 
these?" ^ 

It was midnight when the column halted near the 
village of Salem after a march of twenty -six miles. 
The soldiers flung themselves upon the ground to 
snatch a little rest, and then, while the morning 
stars were still shining, they arose and moved for- 
ward. The full morning light revealed the fact 
that the column was marching eastward through the 
narrow gorge of Thoroughfare Gap. Then the men 
knew that Jackson was leading them against the 
communications of Poise's army. This knowledge 
aroused them to renewed energy. Without a word 
from the soldiers in the ranks, the army continued 
its advance. Only the tramp of marching feet was 
heard and ' ' the rumbling of wheels, the creak and 
clank of harness and accoutrements, with an oc- 
casional order, uttered under the breath, and al- 
ways the same : * Close up, men ! Close up ! ' " 

There were no more biscuits in the haversacks, 
and many of the men tried to satisfy their hunger 
with green corn and green apples taken from the 
fields near the roadway. Munford' s horsemen rode 
in front and picked up all of the Federal scouts, 
thus keeping Tope in ignorance of the nearness of 
Jackson's forces. At Gainesville Stuart's cavalry 
galloped up to the right of the column. During the 
previous day Stuart had kept up an artillery battle 
^ Cooke's Jackson, p. 275, 



GEOVETON 256 

at Waterloo Bridge and tlien through the night had 
ridden rapidly to join the main body, Beyond 
Gainesville Jackson turned southeast to Bristol 
Station. Just before sunset, after a march of about 
twenty-five miles, Munford's cavalry and Ewell's 
infantry rushed into the village, captured the 
guard, seized two trains, broke up the railway and 
cut the telegraph wires. Jackson's corps was now 
thirteen miles in the rear of Pope-s headquarters 
and in full possession of his line of communica- 
tions. Through the dense darkness of the night 
Trimble led two regiments of infantry, accompanied 
by Stuart's cavalry, along the railway northward to 
Manassas Junction. Just before midnight these 
men seized the Junction, and cai)tured 300 prisoners 
and two complete batteries. 

On the morning of the 27th the divisions of Hill 
and Taliaferro marched to the Junction to join 
Stuart ; EwelF s division was left at Bristoe to check 
any body of troops that Pope might send up the 
railway. A rich prize was disclosed to Jackson's 
view when he reached the Junction : warehouses 
built in long rows and filled with supplies ; two 
miles of heavily-laden freight cars ; thousands of 
barrels of flour, pork and biscuit piled in the adja- 
cent fields. Jackson placed a guard over the liquor 
and then allowed his ragged, hungry veterans to 
break ranks and to celebrate a high carnival among 
the Federal stores. A large bakery, completely 
equipped, was kept in operation the entire day by 
the Federal prisoners in order to furnish a change 
of food to men who had been living on green corn 



256 STOIS^EWALL JACKSON 

and green apples. A Federal brigade came rushing 
across Bull Run *fco recapture the Junction. They 
did not know that a large body of Confederates was 
drawn up to receive them. As the brigade drew 
nigh, unconscious of danger, Jackson rode forward 
and waved a white handkerchief in full view, for 
he wished to save the lives of his foemen by per- 
suading them to surrender. The only answer to his 
generous effort was a musket-ball deliberately fired 
at his head. As the bullet whistled past the gen- 
eral, the Confederate batteries opened upon the 
enemy, the Confederate infantry advanced, and the 
Federal troops fled, having suffered heavy loss. In 
the afternoon Ewell's division had a hot skirmish 
with Hooker's division south of Bristoe. Hooker 
had been sent up the railway from Warrenton Junc- 
tion, but when he came into contact with Ewell, he 
halted his forces. 

The extraordinary revel of the Confederates 
among the supplies at the Junction went on until 
the close of the day. There was canned food in 
abundance ; lobster salad and sardines were swal- 
lowed ; boxes of candles and bags of coffee were 
carried away. ''From piles of new clothing the 
Southerners arrayed themselves in the blue uniforms 
of the Federals. Thus the naked were clad, the bare- 
footed were shod and the sick provided with lux- 
uries to which they had long been strangers." ^ 

As darkness fell, Jackson called the men again to 
stern work. First of all, he proposed to mystify 
Pope, and, therefore, the vast accumulation of stores 

^ Gordon's Army of Virginia. 



GKOVETON 257 

was given to the flames. One mighty blaze went 
up from the Junction, reddening all the sky, and 
then, a little after midnight, Jackson's three divi- 
sions disapx3eared in the darkness, leaving not a 
trace of their route behind them. Pope himself, at 
Bristoe Station, seven miles away, was a witness of 
that great conflagration. It may be, therefore, 
that on that same night he recalled his previous 
utterance to his own soldiers that they should 
take no thought for their own lines of retreat ! 
The explosion of the piles of shells at the Junction 
sounded in his ears like the noise of a battle and 
Pope learned then for the first time that Jack- 
son's entire army corps lay between himself and 
Washington. 

For about three days he had been groping in the 
darkness. Jackson's march northward from Jeffer- 
son oa the 25th had been observed by Pope's signal 
men, but the Federal leader supposed that Jackson 
was marching back to the Valley of Virginia ! The 
Valley army had vanished from view and Pope, 
therefore, on the 26th, ordered his force of 80,000 
Federal soldiers to concentrate at Warrenton. Ad- 
vice from Washington had enjoined him to hold 
the line of the Rapi^ahannock and ''fight like the 
devil." He was also told to keep open his com- 
munications with Fredericksburg to facilitate the 
march of McClellan's brigades. The news from his 
rear, however, hurried Pope back to Bristoe Station, 
and there, on the night of the 27th, in the light of 
his burning stores, he ordered all of his divisions to 
move to Manassas Junctiou. ''March at the very 



258 STONEWALL JACKSON 

earliest blush of dawn," he wrote, "and we shall 
bag the whole cro^d.'^ ' 

On the morning of the 28th, therefore, Pope^s 
army began to move northward over various roads 
toward Manassas. About noon Pope himself 
reached the Junction only to find that the birds had 
flown. The Federal storehouses were in ashes ; the 
fields and woods were silent and no sign had been 
left to show the course followed by the Confeder- 
ates. Pope was bewildered and for several hours he 
sat at Manassas, attempting to solve the puzzle of 
Jackson's disaiDpearance. About four o'clock in 
the afternoon a messenger brought the news that 
Confederate soldiers had been seen in force beyond 
Centerville. Again Pope's orders went out to his 
officers and during the late afternoon the Federal 
trooi)s were tramping wearily northward to the 
north bank of Bull Euu. Pope made his way at the 
head of a column to the hill where the village of 
Centerville stands, but no enemy was there to greet 
him. A little before sunset, however, when most 
of the Federal brigades were going into bivouac, 
the sudden roar of guns from the hills at Groveton, 
far away to the southwest of Centerville, told 
Pope that the Confederates were ready for battle 
near the old field of Manassas. 

We must now return to Manassas Junction to 
learn the secret of Jackson's march on the night of 
the 27th. The flames were still leaping high in the 
air when he ordered his troops to move north over 
three roads. Soon after midnight, Taliaferro's divi- 
' Official Records, Vol. XII, Part II, p. 72. 



I 



GEOVETON 259 

sioD, with the wagou-trains, marched toward Sudley 
Springs ; Hill went directly across Bull Bun to 
Centerville and then returned by way of the 
Stone Bridge to the south bank of the stream ; 
Ewell's division, at dawn on the 28th, followed Hill 
across Bull Eun at Blackburn's Ford, proceeded 
thence up the bank of the stream and recrossed to 
the south side at the Stone Bridge. Thus on the 
28th, while Pope's army was moving north toward 
Manassas and then in the direction of Centerville, 
Jackson's three divisions were concentrated in. the 
woods south of Sudley Springs and north of the 
Warrenton Turnpike. The Confederates were 
within twelve miles of Thoroughfare Gap through 
which Longstreet was expected to come to their aid. 
During the afternoon of the 28th a Federal courier 
was captured with McDowell's order for the march- 
ing of his troops through Gainesville to Manassas. 
When the dispatch was brought to Jackson, he was 
lying asleep in a fence- corner near Groveton. After 
reading it, 'Jackson turned to Taliaferro and without 
a moment's hesitation, said, ''Move your division 
and attack the enemy." At the same time he said 
to Ewell, ''Support the attack." The sleeping 
soldiers sprang to arms and the artillery galloped 
forward to open fire upon King's division which was 
moving northward toward Centerville. Jackson 
had the impression that the Federal army was re- 
treating behind Bull Eun. To prevent such a re- 
treat and to draw Pope's army back from Manassas 
and Centerville to the fields near Gainesville, was his 
purpose in assailing King. The Federal troops 



260 STONEWALL JACKSON 

were surprised by the sudden onset, but they fought 
with gallant determination. The two lines, stand- 
ing face to face, drew as near to each other as a 
hundred yards and blazed away. The Federal can- 
non were heavier and more numerous, but the Con- 
federate infantry was 4,500 strong against 2,800 of 
the enemy. The slaughter was fearful. About 
1,100 Federal soldiers were shot down ; the Confed- 
erate loss was about 1,200. Among those severely 
wounded were Taliaferro and Ewell, Jackson's 
principal division commanders. As darkness fell, 
the Confederates found the left flank of the enemy 
and forced them slowly back from the field. Dur- 
ing the night King's division retreated to Manassas. 
The immediate advantage gained over the enemy 
at Groveton was not very great, but Jackson's pur- 
pose in beginning the conflict was crowned with the 
highest success. He wished to draw the entire 
Federal army to the field which he had chosen and 
this was accomplished by the heavy roar of his guns 
at sunset, near that place. Pope was at Centerville 
when he heard the news ; at once he formed the view 
that Jackson was in retreat but that McDowell had 
cut him off at Groveton. Back again, therefore, 
along the Warrenton Turnpike, Pope hurried his 
forces during the night, expecting to capture Jack- 
son's entire corps ! Early on the 29th, Sigel's corps 
and Eeynolds's division formed a line of battle and 
moved against the Confederate position. Jackson's 
veterans were ready for the conflict. 



CHAPTEE XVIII 

THE SECOND MANASSAS 

Where were Lee and Longstreet during the 
critical period from the 26tli until the 29th? 
This question carries us back again to the Eappa- 
hannock. On the afternoon of the 26th, Longstreet 
left Jefferson and followed the path of Jackson's 
corps. His march was so slow, however, that he 
covered only thirty miles in two days. This tardi- 
ness was due, in part, to the opposition made by the 
Federal cavalry. Just before night on the 28th, 
Longstreet reached Thoroughfare Gap and began a 
long skirmish with the Federal division of Eicketts. 
When the sun arose on the morning of the 29th, 
Confederate turning columns, sent across Bull Eun 
Mountain, [were assailing the Federal flanks. Eick- 
etts was falling back toward Manassas and Long- 
street's men were pressing through the Gap to bring 
aid to Jackson' s brigades at Groveton. 

Jackson had now about 18,000 infantry with forty 
guns and 2,500 horsemen. He placed his men in a 
strong position along the line of an unfinished rail- 
road running from Gainesville to Sudley Springs. 
Its embankments and cuttings gave good cover for the 
front line of the Confederates, which extended over 
the space of about 3,000 yards. One-half of the 
Confederate force was held in reserve on the long flat- 
topped ridge in the rear of the railroad. The left of 



262 STONEWALL JACKSON 

the Confederate position, near Bull Eun, was held by 
A. P. HilPs divisfbn ; the center by two brigades of 
EwelFs division under Lawtou ; the right by Talia- 
ferro's division under Starke. The flanks were 
guarded by Stuart's cavalry. 

Soon after dawn on the 29th, Jackson rode along 
his lines to see that all was well. Then he took 
position near the great battery of twenty- four guns on 
the crest of the hill behind his right center. Sigel's 
corj)s, 11,000 strong, with ten batteries, moved across 
the Henry Hill and deployed for the attack. He 
was supported by Eeynolds's division, composed of 
8,000 men and four batteries. SigePs men were the 
German troops, once led by Fremont, which Ewell 
had defeated at Cross Keys. About 8 a. m., the 
Federal forces, with banners flying, began to ad- 
vance up the long slope from the foot of the Henry 
Hill. Their line was more than two miles in 
length. Jackson's 24-gun battery rained so heavy 
a fire of shells upon the left end of Sigel's line 
that it wavered and fell back. The right wing of 
the Federal force, Schurz's division, pressed through 
the wood near Sudley and struck A. P. Hill. 
Gregg's South Carolina brigade met Schurz with a 
fierce fire of musketry, then charged with the 
bayonet and drove the two Federal brigades out of 
the forest. Milroy's brigade then advanced to re- 
inforce Schurz but Thomas's Georgia brigade was 
ready to aid Gregg. The Confederates rushed to 
meet their assailants, drove them back in confusion 
and poured heavy volleys into their masses as they 
fled across the fields. 



THE SECOND MANASSAS 263 

SigeFs repulse was accomplished by 10 :30 A. m. 
Long before this time, Longstreet's advanced-guard 
had passed through Gainesville and his brigades were 
now taking x^osition near Groveton, on Jackson^ s 
right But about 18,000 Federal troops, the di- 
visions of Hooker, Kearney and Eeno, were tramp- 
ing across the Stone Bridge, marching from Center- 
ville toward Groveton. Sigel rallied his soldiers 
and, supiaorted by Eeno, moved forward to make a 
second attack. The brigades of Gregg and Thomas 
met them at the railway and there a fierce struggle 
took place. Branch's North Carolina brigade came 
to the help of their comrades and the troops of 
Sigel and Eeno were driven back. 

At noonday Pope himself reached the field of 
battle. He had near him the divisions named 
above. Before the struggle began, these numbered 
about 38,000 men, but most of them had been 
seriously broken by the assaults against Jackson's 
line. Porter and McDowell, however, with 27,000 
additional soldiers, were coming up from Manassas, 
where also Banks was stationed with 8,000 men. 

At one o'clock a heavy mass of troops was again 
advanced against Jackson's left ; this Federal force 
was comx30sed of the divisions of Kearney and 
Hooker and a portion of Eeno's division. Jackson's 
guns held his left flank firm ; Thomas's Georgians 
and Field's Virginia brigade met the enemy at the 
railway embankment. The dry grass was ignited 
by powder- sparks and the combatants stood in the 
midst of flames. The front line of the Confederates 
was forced back from the railway embankment, but 



264 STONEWALL JACKSON 

the second line swept forward with bayonets fixed 
and cleared the tront. Then Hill sent Pender's 
North Carolina brigade to deliver a counterstroke. 
These gallant soldiers charged across the railroad 
and into the wood beyond. The Federal regiments 
fled behind their guns, but Pender moved steadily 
forward across the open, toward the Federal bat- 
teries. Grover's brigade of Hooker's division then 
advanced to make an assault. Pender was forced 
back and Grover's men rushed across the railroad. 
Jackson's guns poured a heavy fire directly upon 
the Federal troops and Jackson himself sent Forno's 
Louisianians with one of Lawton's regiments to 
turn the tide of battle. These came rapidly for- 
ward with leveled bayonets and swept Grover's 
brigade beyond the Warrenton Turnpike. Four 
Federal divisions had thus far been thrown against 
Jackson's left and all of them had been driven 
back with fearful loss. More than 4,000 Federal 
soldiers lay stretched upon the ground in front of 
Hill's brigades. 

At 4 :30 p. M., the fifth and last Federal assault 
was begun. Five heavy brigades, led by Kearney 
and Eeno, moved forward to the charge. The Con- 
federate line had become thin after ten hours of 
desperate fighting and Hill had some anxiety con- 
cerning his brigades. He sent an aide, therefore, 
to ask Gregg if he could hold his ground against 
the storm that was about to burst upon his front. 
^'Tell General Hill," replied the brave South 
Carolinian, "that my ammunition is exhausted, 
but that I will hold my position with the bayonet." 



THE SECOND MAKASSAS 265 

The enemy came on with great gallantry. The 
fighting was desperate. Foot by foot the brigades 
of Gregg, Thomas, Field and Branch were borne 
backward by the heavy weight of the Federal line. 
The enemy crossed the railroad and penetrated to a 
point three hundred yards within the Confederate 
lines. Hill's men, however, were still in good order 
and facing the foe, while Jackson was ready to de- 
liver a heavy connterstroke. In obedience to his 
orders, Early's brigade was rushing to Hill's aid. 
With leveled bayonets Early's men charged among 
the Federal regiments, routed them and drove 
them, with tremendous loss, beyond the turnpike. 

Thus ended Pope's attempts to overwhelm Jack- 
son. Five assaults, delivered by a Federal force of 
more than 30,000 men, had failed. More than 
8, 000 Federal soldiers lying dead and wounded upon 
the field, bore testimony to the skill and valor of 
Stonewall's veterans. 

During Jackson's long struggle with Pope, from 
10 A. M. until nightfall, on the 29th, Longstreet's 
corps of 30,000 men was in position on Jackson's 
right near Groveton. Lee was eager to take part in 
the battle. Three times he ordered Longstreet to 
assail the Federal left. Each time, however, Long- 
street held back, making the excuse that he did iiot 
know the ground. In the afternoon Porter's Federal 
corps moved ap from Manassas Junction toward 
Longstreet's right near Gainesville. At the close of 
the day, at Lee's earnest desire, Hood's division 
charged down the Groveton Turnpike for the 
distance of a mile and a half. Hood captured one 



266 STONEWALL JACKSON 

gun from King's division and then, after midnight, 
withdrew to his first position. 

Thus ended the fighting of August 29th, and 
the victory belonged once more to Stonewall's men. 
When Jackson called his staff around him in the 
bivouac a spirit of sadness seemed to rest upon all 
of them. A week of marching and fighting, with a 
scanty and irregular supply of food, had worn down 
their energies. Many of the best and bravest had 
fallen. The medical director, McGuire, came in 
from the scene of suffering on the battle-field and 
said, ^ ' General, this day has been won by nothing 
but stark and stern fighting." '^No," replied 
Jackson in quiet tones, '^it has been won by noth- 
ing but the blessing and protection of Providence.'' 

As the darkness came on, groups of officers and 
soldiers assembled at various points along the Con- 
federate line and engaged, for a short season, in 
prayer. Having thus made themselves ready for 
the morrow's battle, they lay down upon their arms 
to await the next advance of the Federal hosts. 

On the morning of August 30th, Lee's army on the 
field of Manassas numbered only about 50,000 men. 
Longstreet's command, 30,000 strong, was in position 
south of the Warrenton Turnj^ike. Jackson' s force, 
reduced to 17,000, still held the railway embank- 
ments. There were about 2,500 horsemen located 
on the flanks and S. D. Lee had eighteen guns in a 
commanding position between the two Confederate 
wings. General Lee decided not to make an im- 
mediate attack. He preferred to await the arrival 
of the divisions of D. H. Hill, McLawsand Walker, 



THE SECOND MANASSAS 267 

and of Hampton' s cavalry brigade. These troops, 
about 20,000 in number, had already crossed the 
Rappahannock and were moving up rapidly toward 
Manassas. 

Pope himself set the battle in motion. He had 
still a force of more than 70,000 men, while two of 
McClellan's army corps had landed at Alexandria 
and were marching to his aid. Banks was near Ma- 
nassas Junction, but Pope's forces on the plains of 
Manassas near the Stone Bridge numbered 65,000 
men with twenty -eight batteries. The withdrawal 
of Hood's division the night before had led Pope to 
imagine that Longstreet was falling back through 
Thoroughfare Gap and that Jackson was following 
Longstreet. Pope, therefore, determined to move 
forward ' ' in pursuit ' ' of the Confederates ! 

At intervals during the morning, the Federal 
cannon threw shells across the meadows toward 
Jackson's position. Stonewall concealed his sol- 
diers in the woods behind the railway, leaving 
only a few pickets in full view along his front. A 
night's rest had given new life to the Confederates ; 
the laugh and the jest ran merrily along the line as 
the men lay on the ground in the forest. Since the 
battle of Winchester, Banks had been known among 
them as *'01d Jack's Commissary General," but 
now by acclamation they elected Pope to the same 
high position ! They were eager to see the new 
^'Commissary" advance again, in order that they 
might seize his remaining store of supplies. 

Soon after midday, one wing of the Federal army 
moved forward to assail Jackson. The division of 



268 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Keynolds occupied the left of the Federal line of at- 
tack. Porter's entire corps, next in order, was 
directed against Jackson's right. King's division 
(now led by Hatch) moved forward on Porter's 
right and the division of Eicketts occupied the 
space to the right of Hatch. Keynolds soon found 
Lougstreet' s corps in tlie woods near Groveton and 
then fell back to Bald Hill. Porter, Hatch and 
Eicketts, however, swej)t forward against Jackson's 
front. Their forces formed a bristling line of bayo- 
nets, 20,000 in number, extending from Groveton 
almost to Bull Eun. An additional force of 40,000 
stood behind them, ready to take part in the 
struggle. 

When the Federal line of attack came within half 
a mile of Jackson's position, the Confederate bugles 
rang out and Stonewall's men ran forward from the 
woods and took their places once more in the excava- 
tions and behind the embankments of the old railway. 
Then Jackson's batteries and S. D. Lee's guns opened 
a terrific cross-fire on Porter' s corps. The latter was 
moving steadily forward in three lines across the 
open meadow land east of Groveton ; the Confederate 
cannon swept Porter's ranks from end to end. The 
riflemen of the Stonewall division, assisted by Law- 
ton's (Ewell's) division on the left, poured their fire 
directly into the faces of Porter's troops. When 
the ammunition of the Confederates ran out, they 
seized stones from the railway cuttings and flung 
them with deadly aim against the foe. Three times 
Porter's blue-coated lines, with wonderful cour- 
age, moved up to the parapet, but each time they 



THE SECOND MANASSAS 269 

were driven back with tremendous loss. At close 
range, for more than thirty minutes, the fearful 
struggle was kept uj). The regulars under Sykes 
were ordered to support Porter, but they were un- 
able to advance across the open level space on ac- 
count of the furious fire of the Confederate artillery. 
Then Porter's shattered regiments began to yield 
ground. 

Meanwhile, Hatch was assailing A. P. Hill on 
Jackson's left. Hill sent forward every brigade 
except that of Gregg, but the pressure was still so 
heavy against the Confederates that Jackson asked 
Lougstreet for help. The latter sent two batteries to 
join S. D. Lee and these guns added their fire to the 
storm of shells that was already falling upon Porter's 
defeated corps. As Porter fell back, Hatch followed 
him, and Ricketts, who was just coming up, joined 
the retreat. The Stonewall division, with one of 
Hill's brigades, rushed forward to make a counter- 
stroke ; Lawton and Hill followed. Lee sent a 
message to Longstreet to advance his divisions, but 
the latter were already marching forward against 
the Federal left. The entire Confederate army was 
bearing down upon Pope. Lee's line of battle cov- 
ered a front of four miles. Every division was 
formed in at least two lines and in the center eight 
brigades were massed one in rear of the other. The 
Confederate soldiers, filled with the greatest enthusi- 
asm, swept every opposing regiment and battery out 
of their path and moved across the Groveton Valley. 
Jackson's men, fighting like demons, drove tlie di- 
visions of Stevens, Ricketts, Kearney and Hooker 



270 STONEWALL JACKSON 

toward the Stone Bridge. Hill's division captured 
six cannon at the i^'oiut of the bayonet. 

South of the tm^npike, Longstreet's brigades swept 
forward and after a desperate struggle carried Bald 
Hill. At the foot of the Henry Hill Longstreet was 
met by the fierce fire of Sykes's regulars and Eey- 
nolds' s Pennsylvanians. Additional Federal troops 
assembled on the hill and they succeeded in holding 
it against Longstreet's most desperate and repeated 
efforts. The rapid advance of the infantry had 
left most of the Confederate artillery behind and 
Longstreet's riflemen could not overcome the 
Federal rear-guard. Jackson was already in posses- 
sion of the Matthews Hill, north of the turnpike, 
which commanded the Federal line of retreat on 
that side. If Longstreet had seized the Henry Hill, 
the Confederates would have commanded the turn- 
pike from both sides, and the Federal army would 
have been cut off from the bridge and destroyed. 
Far around on the Confederate right Munford led 
his horsemen in a brilliant charge, drove the ene- 
my's cavalry before him and crossed Bull Eun at 
Lewis's Ford. Darkness came, however, and the 
Federal troops were still holding the crest of the 
Henry Hill. Under cover of the night the broken 
fragments of Pope's army withdrew across Bull 
Eun, leaving thousands of wounded on the field, and 
made their way to Centerville. 

On the morning of Sunday, the 31st, Pope placed 
his forces behind intrenchments at Centerville ; he 
had been reinforced during the night by 20,000 
veterans of the corps of Sumner and Franklin. On 



THE SECOND MANASSAS 271 

the afternoon of the 31st, Jackson crossed Bull Kun 
by Sudley Ford ; through rain and mud he made a 
march of ten miles, moving around to the Federal 
right and rear. His bivouac for the night was near 
Pleasant Valley, five miles northwest of Centerville. 
The morning of September 1st marked Jackson's 
advance down the Little Eiver Turnpike to an old 
country house named ''Chantilly." Pope heard of 
the approach of the Confederates and withdrew the 
main body of his army from Centerville to Fairfax 
Court-House, leaving Kearney and Stevens with 
three divisions to protect his flank. Late in the 
afternoon, Jackson sent forward the divisions of 
Hill and Lawton to feel the enemy's position. Near 
Ox Hill the Federal forces made a vigorous attack 
and a portion of the Confederate front line was 
thrown into disorder ; the second line charged for- 
ward, however, and the Federal forces gave ground. 
As night was at hand and a violent thunder-storm 
was raging, the fighting ceased. Each side suffered 
severely and both Kearney and Stevens were slain. 
Pope continued to move wagons, guns and men 
rapidly northward, and on the morning of Septem- 
ber 3d, his army was in a place of safety behind the 
fortifications at Washington. Pope was removed 
from his position and the Army of the Potomac 
was once more placed under the command of 
McClellan. 

Thus ended, with brilliant success, the Second 
Manassas Campaign. During these movements, the 
Confederates captured thirty guns, 7, 000 prisoners 
and 20,000 rifles and they inflicted a loss upon the 



272 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Federals of 13,500 in killed and wounded. The 
Confederate loss was about 10,000. Pope's army of 
80,000 men had been defeated and driven into 
Washington by a Confederate force of not more than 
55, 000. ' ' God was with us and gave us the victory, ' ' 
said Jackson in his oflScial report. 



CHAPTER XIX 

THE CAPTURE OF HARPER'S FERRY 

On the moruiDg of September 2d, the day after the 
battle of Chantilly, or Ox Hill, Lee instructed Jack- 
son to lead the advance of the Confederate army into 
Maryland. This order was exactly in accordance 
with Jackson's wishes, for he had urged such a move- 
ment a year before, immediately following the first 
battle of Manassas. Moreover^ just after the defeat 
of Banks at Winchester, as we have already seen, 
Jackson sent Congressman Boteler to inform the Con- 
federate authorities that if they could reinforce him, 
he would undertake to seize Washington. ^'Tell 
General Jackson," was Lee's reply, " that he must 
first help me to drive these people away from Rich- 
mond. " Now that Pope's rear-guard was retreat- 
ing rapidly toward Washington, Lee hastened to 
keep his promise. 

There were additional reasons, however, for Lee's 
advance into the region north of the Potomac. An 
opportunity would be thus secured to gather the 
rich crops in the Valley. Lee wished, also, to re- 
lieve the people of Virginia from pressure by trans- 
fering the theater of warfare to the enemy's 
country ; for his first plan was to move northward 
into Pennsylvania. Furthermore, he hoped to 



274 STONEWALL JACKSON 

secure recruits for the Confederate army from the 
people of Maryland. Lee's soldiers were poorly 
provided with clothes ; thousands of them were 
destitute of shoes, and the supply of ammunition, 
also, was insufficient for a long campaign. In spite 
of these difficulties, Lee gave the word ; the Con- 
federate horsemen spread themselves out to form a 
screen in front and on the flanks, and D. H. Hill's 
fresh division moved forward through Leesburg as 
advanced-guard. On the morning of September 
6th, the Confederate columns stumbled and splashed 
through the shallow waters of the Potomac at 
White's Ford. *^ Maryland, my Maryland ! " sang 
the gray -jackets as they reached the northern bank. 
Then the ragged veterans, leaving the bloody marks 
of unshod feet in the roadway, marched onward, 
beneath the leafy trees and past the green fields, un- 
til, on the 7th, they went into camp at Frederick. 
The lack of shoes was a more serious difficulty, per- 
haps, than Lee had anticipated ; so many barefooted 
soldiers remained by the roadside or straggled off 
through the forests, that the entire force of Con- 
federates which marched into Maryland was prob- 
ably no more than 40,000 men. 

The western counties of the state had little 
sympathy with the South, and few were the recruits 
that joined Lee's army. The people of Frederick 
were full of Southern patriotism, however, and they 
gave large supplies of food and clothing to the Con- 
federate soldiers. A fine saddle-horse was presented 
to Jackson ; when he mounted, the animal reared 
and broke the girth, and the rider was thrown 



THE CAPTUEE OF HAEPEE'S FEEEY 275 

heavily to the ground. For this reason, he spent 
most of his time in his tent during the sojourn of 
the army at Frederick, and thus escaped the mul- 
titude of visitors who came to catch a glimpse of the 
chief Confederate leaders. ^*Once, however,*' a 
staff-of&cer tells us, ^^when he had been called to 
General Lee's tent, two young girls waylaid him, 
paralyzed him with smiles and questions, and then 
jumped into their carriage and drove off rapidly, 
leaving him there, cap in hand, bowing, blushing, 
speechless. But once safe in his tent, he was seen no 
more that day." ' 

When Lee arrived at Frederick, he found that he 
must change his line of communications. The route 
through Manassas and Leesburg was exposed to 
cavalry raids from Washington. He decided, there- 
fore, that his wagons must take the route from 
Staunton down the Valley to Shepherdstown on the 
Potomac. Three points in the Valley, however, 
were still occupied by Federal forces to the number 
of about 14,000 men ; these were Winchester, 
Martinsburg and Harper's Ferry. The new line of 
communications would thus be open to attack from 
these places, and Lee decided that Harper's Ferry, 
with its strong garrison, must be captured. 

Longstreet was asked to lead the principal column 
against HarxDcr's Ferry, but he did not favor the 
plan and manifested so great a reluctance to move 
that Lee turned to Jackson. The latter advocated 
practically the same policy as Longstreet, namely, 
to fight McClellan first and look after Harper's 

1 Battles and Leaders, Vol. II, p. 621. 



276 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Ferry afterward ; but when Lee requested him to 
march against the stronghold, Jackson readily ac- 
cepted the duty laid upon him. 

Lee's plan was as follows : Jackson, with the 
three divisions of his own command, was to move 
across the South Mountain, ford the Potomac west 
of Sharpsburg and advance on Martinsburg. 
McLaws, with his own division and that of 
E. H. Anderson, was to seize Maryland Heights 
overlooking Harper's Ferry. Walker's division 
was ordered to cross the Potomac near Point of Eocks 
and occupy Loudoun Heights, also overlooking 
Harper's Ferry. The rest of the army under Long- 
street and D. H. Hill was directed to march across 
South Mountain to Hagerstown. After the capture 
of Harper's Ferry, all of the Confederate divisions 
were to come together again at Hagerstown or 
Boousboro. 

Before he set forth upon the march, Jackson 
made many inquiries about the roads leading 
northward into Pennsylvania. At daybreak on 
September 10th, he moved rapidly westward. 
As he passed through Middletowu, two young 
girls stood on the sidewalk and waved Federal 
flags in Jackson's face. He made a polite bow, 
raised his cap with a smile, and then remarked to 
his staff, ''We evidently have no friends in this 
town." After a march of fourteen miles, Jackson's 
command went into bivouac near Boonsboro. 
Early on the 11th he turned the head of the column 
toward Williainsport, where he crossed the 
Potomac. The line of march was then toward 



THE CAPTUEE OF HAEPEE'S FEEEY 277 

Martinsburg. On the 12th the Confederates entered 
that town and were received with great enthusiasm. 
Jackson wrote his autograph in a number of books 
and nearly all of the buttons were stripped from 
his coat as souvenirs. He managed to escape from 
his friends, however, and moved forward, driving 
all of the Federal forces before him into Harper's 
Ferry. On the 13th he passed through Halltown 
and drew up his regiments in sight of the Federal 
position on Bolivar Heights. His troops had 
passed, over the distance of more than sixty miles 
in three and a half days. 

Neither McLaws nor Walker had marched with 
the swiftness of Jackson. McLaws met with 
spirited opposition and it was not until the after- 
noon of the 13th that he carried Maryland Heights 
by assault and placed his guns in position to com- 
mand Harper's Ferry. Walker met no opposition 
whatever, but he consumed all of the time until the 
morning of the 14th in getting his guns ready to 
fire from Loudoun Heights. 

In the angle formed by the Potomac and the 
Shenandoah, lies Harper's Ferry ; across the space 
between the two rivers runs Bolivar Heights. 
These were held by a strong force of Federal in- 
fantry and artillery. On the afternoon of Sunday, 
September 14th, as soon as McLaws and Walker 
were ready, the Confederate guns opened fire from 
every direction upon the garrison. A storm of 
shells was poured upon every part of the neck of 
land occupied by Harper's Ferry. Jackson^ s in- 
fantry moved gradually forward into commanding 



278 STONEWALL JACKSON 

positions on both flanks of Bolivar Heights. Dur- 
ing the night, he ^nt ten pieces of artillery across 
the Shenandoah to enfilade the Federal trenches 
from the right bank of that stream. 

Early on the 15th, Jackson's cannon again began 
to boom out their summons to the beleaguered 
garrison. The Federal artillerists worked their 
guns with desperate energy, but their position was 
surrounded and their ammunition was failing. 
A. P. Hill's brigade moved to the foot of Bolivar 
Heights, ready to deliver an assault, but at 7 : 30 A. M. 
the white flag was raised and the place was given 
up. Jackson assigned to A. P. Hill the duty of 
receiving the surrender of the Federal forces, which 
numbered 12,500. The rest of the spoil included 
seventy-three pieces of artillery, 13,000 muskets 
and several hundred wagons. A body of 1,200 
Federal horsemen crossed the Potomac during the 
preceding night and made their escape. ''Through 
God's blessing, Harper's Ferry and its garrison 
are to be surrendered." This was the message sent 
by Jackson to Lee at eight o'clock. 

When Jackson rode into Harper's Ferry, the 
Federal soldiers lined both sides of the road in their 
eagerness to catch a glimpse of the famous Con- 
federate leader. A number of them took off their 
caps as he passed ; in every case he returned the 
salute. '' Boys," said a soldier to his comrades, 
''he's not much for looks, but if we'd had him, we 
wouldn't have been caught in this trap." In the 
afternoon Jackson allowed his men time to cook 
rations for two days. Then he set forth to make 



THE CAPTURE OF HAEPER'S FERRY 279 

a rapid night march to Sharpsburg where Lee was 
awaiting him. 

And what were the fortunes of the rest of the 
Confederate army during the time occupied in the 
seizure of Harper's Ferry*? This question carries 
us back to the town of Frederick. McCIellan came 
out from Washington with a large force, which was 
soon raised to the number of more than 87,000 men. 
Driving Stuart's horsemen slowly westward, the 
Federal advanced-guard occupied Frederick on 
the 12th. McCIellan did not know whether Lee 
intended to invade Pennsylvania or to cross the 
Potomac and swing around toward Washington. 
At noon on the 13th, however, a copy of the 
Confederate plan of campaign, sent by Lee's ad- 
jutant-general to D. H. Hill, was picked up in one 
of the streets of Frederick. This paper, wrapped 
around a bundle of cigars, revealed the exact posi- 
tion of every division of Lee's army. An unusual 
opportunity was thus presented to McCIellan. It 
was within his power to concentrate his entire force 
against either half of the divided Confederates. 

He did not move forward, however, until the 
morning of the 14th. During the previous night 
news was conveyed to Lee of the discovery of his 
lost dispatch and of McCIellan' s purpose to ad- 
vance westward. Lee, therefore, sent D. H. Hill's 
division back from Boonsboro to hold Turner's 
Gap in the South Mountain. Longstreet, who 
had marched as far as Hagerstown, thirteen miles 
beyond Boonsboro, was also ordered to return 
and render aid to Hill. About seven o'clock on 



280 STONEWALL JACKSON 

the morning of the 14th, HilFs force of 5,000 men 
met McOlellan's aSvauced-guard in the Gap. All 
day long, with obstinate courage, Hill held in check 
the principal part of McClellan's army. Long- 
street took ten hours to march thirteen miles and 
reached Turner's Gap only at four in the afternoon. 
Both divisions, until night fell, succeeded in repuls- 
ing every attack made by the Federal brigades at 
Turner's Gap. Crampton's Gap, six miles to the 
southward, was defended only by Munford's brig- 
ade of horsemen, supported by three of McLaws's 
infantry brigades. Although Franklin assailed 
Crampton's Gap with 20,000 Federals, it was 
five o'clock in the afternoon when he forced 
the passage and his troops began to pour across 
South Mountain into Pleasant Yalley. Since 
Franklin was thus approaching the rear of the 
position at Turner's Gap, Hill and Longstreet were 
ordered to evacuate the place ; during the night 
they marched to Sharpsburg. On the morning of 
the 15th, the Federal forces were in possession of 
South Mountain, but Lee's game of war was thus 
far successful, for at 7:30 o'clock that morn- 
ing the white flag was displayed at Harper's Ferry 
and the garrison capitulated. At the same time, 
also, Lee was placing the fourteen brigades of 
D. H. Hill and Longstreet in position upon the 
ridge above the Antietam Creek. When Lee re- 
ceived, at noonday, Jackson's message announcing 
the capture of Harper's Ferry, he resolved to take 
a stand at Sharpsburg and await the attack of Mc- 
Clellan's army. This was the boldest decision, 



THE CAPTUEE OF HAEPEE'S FEEEY 281 

perhaps, ever made by Lee during his great career ; 
but be understood the character of McClellan and 
expected the Federal commander to move forward 
slowly and to attack with caution. In these re- 
spects the Confederate commander was not disap- 
pointed. Moreover, Lee had great confidence in 
the skill and endurance of his own of&cers and 
soldiers. Nor was he disappointed in this re- 
spect. 

At an early hour on September 16th, Jackson and 
Walker with their troops arrived at Sharpsburg, 
having made a night march of seventeen miles from 
Harper's Ferry. McClellan' s guns were already 
throwing shells from the hills beyond the Antietam 
but Lee was calm and cheerful. He shook hands 
with his two subordinates and expressed his satis- 
faction with the result of the campaign against 
Harper's Ferry. On the same day Lee sent a mes- 
sage to President Davis : ^^This victory of the in- 
domitable Jackson and his troops," he wrote, 
"gives us renewed occasion for gratitude to Al- 
mighty God for His guidance and protection." * 

During the afternoon of tlie IGth, Lee, Jackson and 
Longstreet sat together in council in an old house 
in Sharpsburg. They had with them at that time 
on the field a force of little more than 20,000 men. 
And yet, as they examined the map of Maryland, 
these Confederate leaders were full of confidence. 
The divisions of McLaws, E. H. Anderson and 
A. P. Hill, had not arrived from Harper's Ferry, 
but they were expected the following day. About 
» Official Records, Vol. XIX, Part I, p. 974. 



282 STONEWALL JACKSON 

sunset, the artillery began to boom on the ridge 
north of the town. One of McClellan's corps, led 
by Hooker^ was beginning to move across the 
Antietam. Lee sent Hood's division to meet the 
Federal attack and the two hostile skirmish lines 
had a hot encounter. Night threw her mantle over 
the scene, however, and no serious struggle took 
place. Hood's men were then allowed to withdraw 
to secure food and ammunition, and Jackson's 
divisions moved forward into the position which 
they had occupied. Two of McClellan^s army 
corps, under Hooker and Mansfield, had now 
crossed the Antietam, and Jackson's veterans, ar- 
rayed in line of battle across the plateau just north 
of the Dunkard church, slept on their arms and 
awaited the onset of the Federal host. 



CHAPTER XX 

SHARPSBURG 

McClellan brought to the field of Sharpsburg a 
force of 87,164 men and 275 guns. He placed his 
heavy rifled cannon in position upon the bluffs 
east of the Antietam Creek, and while these swept 
the crest of the opposite ridge with their shells, he 
proposed to carry out the following plan of battle : 
The corps of Hooker (12,500) and that of Mansfield 
(8,500), supported by Sumner's corps (18,000) and, 
if necessary, by Franklin's corps (12,000) were to 
assault the Confederate left wing ; afterward, Burn- 
side's corps (13,000) was to cross the Burnside Bridge 
and attack the Confederate right. If the opportu- 
nity offered, the rest of the Federal army was ex- 
pected to cross the Antietam and assail the Con- 
federate center. 

To meet this formidable force, Lee placed his 
brigades along the Sharpsburg ridge, facing the 
Antietam, in the following order : Longstreet, 
supported by Walker, held the Confederate right, 
in front of the town of Sharpsburg; D. H. Hill 
occupied the center, and Jackson, as we have seen, 
was posted on the Confederate left. Jackson's line 
was thrown back across the ridge almost at right 
angles to the lines of Hill and Longstreet ; his right 
division (Ewell's), commanded by Lawton, rested 



STONEWALL JACKSON 

on the East Wood ; his left division (Stonewall), 
led by J. R. Jones, rested on the West Wood with 
the front line thrown out in advance in the open 
field. Hood was in reserve near the Dunkard 
church. Fitzhugh Lee's brigade of cavalry de- 
fended the extreme Confederate left near the 
Potomac. Jackson had been able to bring up only 
sixteen guns from Harper's Ferry. Three of these 
stood in the turnpike near the center of his line ; 
the other thirteen were posted on the high ground 
at the left, with the cavalry. 

At dawn on the 17th, Hooker formed his corps in 
the forest known as the North Wood and moved 
southward along the Sharpsburg Ridge toward the 
Dunkard church. Directly in front of Hooker, 
stretching across the turnpike from the East Wood 
to the West Wood, stood Jackson's two thin lines of 
infantry. The morning mist threw a veil over the 
field and the Confederate batteries with Jackson's 
skirmishers held Hooker in check for an hour. 
Then the Federal brigades came on with a great dis- 
play of courage, sweeping southward through the 
fields on both sides of the turnpike. A desperate 
struggle ensued. Jackson's veterans poured a 
deadly fire at close range into the faces of the 
Federal soldiers. The Federal guns from beyond 
the Antietam threw their shells along the line held 
by the Confederates. Hooker's infantry delivered 
their fire with deadly aim and the battle swayed 
backward and forward in the fields. The stand- 
ing corn was cut down by the bullets as if the 
sickle had passed over the ground. The dead on 



SHAEPSBUEG 285 

both sides lay piled in ranks just as tbey had stood. 
J. E. Jones was wounded and Starke, the next in 
command, was slain, but the division west of the 
turnpike held its ground and drove back the Federal 
right in great confusion. Lawton's division, east of 
the turnpike, also forced the enemy in upon their 
guns. 

Thus Jackson defeated a force which was more 
than double the strength of his two divisions. 
When the fighting began, he sent Early's brigade to 
assist the cavalry on the left. Thus with only 4,200 
men he repulsed Hooker's corps of 12,500. Hooker 
himself was severely wounded, 2,500 Federal 
soldiers were stretched on the field and the rest of 
the corps were scattered so completely that they took 
no further part in the battle. Jackson's losses, how- 
ever, had been heavy. Of the Confederates engaged, 
as many as 1,700 had fallen. 

At 7 :30 Mansfield's corps (8,500) charged down 
upon Jackson's position. These Federal soldiers 
had followed Banks in the Valley and at Cedar Eun. 
Several regiments assailed the Stonewall division, 
now led by Grigsby, in the West Wood ; with the 
aid of the Confederate batteries on the left, the 
Federal force was soon driven back and scattered. 
East of the turnpike, however, the struggle was 
more prolonged. Hood's regiments, 1,800 strong, 
rushed into the field to relieve Lawton's men. 
Three of D. H. Hill's brigades came into line on 
Hood's right. The fighting here was desperate. 
At fifty and a hundred paces, the two lines stood 
face to face and delivered their fire. Hood was 



286 STONEWALL JACKSON 

forced back to the Dunkard cliurch, but Mansfield's 
corps, with the exception of one division, was cut to 
pieces ; 1,500 of its soldiers had fallen and Mansfield 
himself was slain. Greene's division of this corps 
made its away across the turnpike into the edge of 
the West Wood, but there the Federal advance 
paused. 

It was now the hour of nine o'clock. Jackson's 
men had fought two Federal corps to a finish, but 
the Confederate losses had been very great. More- 
over, Jackson's thin line had been driven into the 
West Wood. This new position was much stronger, 
however, than the field occupied in the early morn- 
ing and, in spite of his losses, Jackson was still full 
of confidence. Further than that, he was planning 
the delivery of a counterstroke. He had called 
Early's brigade from the left and about 600 rifle- 
men of the Stonewall division were strongly posted 
behind the rocky ledges of the West Wood. 
McLaws had reached the field from Harper's 
Ferry ; Walker's division was withdrawn from the 
Confederate right, and G. T. Anderson's brigade 
from the center. These, with McLaws' s men, 
were sent to Jackson's assistance. Thus was Jack- 
son enabled to bring 10,000 bayonets upon the 
field, just as Sumner's corps (18,000) was moving to 
the attack. The three divisions of this corps forded 
the Antietam and marched toward the ground from 
which Hooker and Mansfield had been driven. 
Sedgwick's division, led by Sumner himself, crossed 
the turnpike and began to advance through the 
West Wood. The three Federal brigades, 6,000 



SHARPSBUEG 287 

strong, were arrayed in close order, one line imme- 
diately behind another. They marched directly 
into the trap which Jackson was preparing. He 
sent a staff- officer to direct Walker and rode in per- 
son to guide McLaws to the proper position. Into the 
front and flank of Sedgwick's division, the brigades 
of Walker and McLaws poured a withering fire ; 
Early struck them in the flank and rear. Within 
a few minutes, 2,000 Federal soldiers fell. Sumner 
was dazed and his men fled northward in confused 
masses. Through the West Wood and across the 
fields the gray -jackets rushed in pursuit, making the 
hills ring with the echo of their ''rebel yell.'^ As 
Jackson rode with McLaws in this triumphant 
charge, he said to the latter, " God has been very 
kind to us this day.'' 

The victorious Confederates were checked, how- 
ever, by Smith's division of Franklin's corps, drawn 
up in line in the East Wood. McLaws' s regiments 
had become confused in the wild pursuit and were 
unable to withstand the fierce charge of fresh 
Federal troops. A tremendous struggle took place, 
and McLaws' s men slowly retired into the West 
Wood. The enemy, worn and exhausted by the 
fight, lay down to rest on the east side of the turn- 
pike. The overwhelming numbers sent against the 
Confederate left had been fought to a standstill ; 
those who survived the struggle lay paralyzed in the 
woods and behind the fences. 

Jackson was not only holding firm his position 
in the West Wood but was making plans to move 
forward to deliver another counterstroke. During 



288 STONEWALL JACKSON 

the entire morning he had been riding everywhere 
among his soldiers, communicating his own un- 
conquerable spirit to them. He hoped even yet to 
drive McClellan's whole army from the field and 
bring the war to an end. About eleven o^ clock the 
medical director, McGuire, found Jackson sitting 
quietly on his horse in the West Wood. He made a 
report to the general about the large number of 
wounded Confederates sent back from the front 
and suggested that the field hospitals should be 
moved to a place of safety beyond the Potomac. 
Jackson, however, seemed to show more interest 
in some peaches brought to him by McGuire than 
in the location of the hospitals ; his only reply was 
in these brief words, as he pointed toward the 
Federal position, ''Doctor, they have done their 
worst. ^^ 

The first period of the battle was ended. 
McClellan's attempt to overcome the Confederate 
left had been a total failure. During the second 
period, from 10 A. M. to 1 P. M., the Confederate 
center was the scene of a tremendous conflict. The 
divisions of D. H. Hill and E. H. Anderson and 
two regiments of Walker's division, were there 
engaged in a desperate combat with the divisions 
of French and Eichardson, of Sumner's corps, sup- 
ported by two brigades of Franklin's corps. These 
Federal forces advanced again and again to seize 
the Dunkard church, the Eoulette Farm and the 
Piper House. The Confederates fought with un- 
surpassed courage, but their losses were serious. 
A sunken road held by HilFs men was enfiladed 



SHAEPSBUEG 289 

by Federal musketry and piled so deep with Con- 
federate dead and wounded that it was given the 
name, "Bloody Lane." Three horses were shot 
under Hill, but this gallant leader seized a musket 
and on foot rallied his men and held back the 
enemy. Longstreet and his staff helped to man 
two guns and aided Hill in checking the foe. The 
Federal losses here were so heavy and the Federal 
soldiers were so exhausted by the fierce conflict, 
that they sank upon the ground to rest and the 
Confederate center was saved. 

At 1 p. M., when the firing died away near the 
center, it broke out with fresh fury at the Burnside 
Bridge in front of the Confederate right. As early 
as 9 A. M., Burnside' s corps had received orders to 
cross the Antietam at this bridge and drive the 
Confederates from Sharpsburg. The creek and the 
bridge were so stoutly defended by 600 Georgia 
riflemen and three batteries under Eobert Toombs 
that two Federal assaults were repulsed. At 
1 p. M., however, a large Federal force crossed 
the bridge and seized the bluffs on the western 
bank of the Antietam. Two hours were then 
consumed in bringing up fresh Federal troops 
and a supply of ammunition. At 3. p. m. the 
Federal brigades assailed Longstreet' s right and 
slowly forced it back to the edge of the town. 
At 4 p. M., just as Burnside' s men were entering 
Sharpsburg, Jackson's third division arrived from 
Harper's Ferry and struck the Federal line on the 
left flank. This division, led by A. P. Hill, had 
made a forced inarch of seventeen miles in eight 



290 STONEWALL JACKSON 

liours and arrived in time to win a victory on the 
Confederate right. The brigades of Gregg, Branch 
and Archer made an onset so fierce that Burnside's 
troops were driven back to the Antietam. 

During the afternoon, while the battle against 
Burnside was in progress, Lee directed Jackson to 
turn McClellan' s right. About one o' clock, Jackson 
sat on his horse behind McLaws's line; one leg 
was thrown carelessly over the pommel of his 
saddle and he was plucking apples from a tree 
and eating them, as he gave orders for the advance 
of Walker's division near the Duukard church. 
As soon as Stuart, with a force of infantry and 
artillery, could move around the enemy's right 
and strike his rear, the entire left wing of the Con- 
federates was to assail the scattered Federal troops 
in front. After giving his orders, Jackson replaced 
his foot in the stirrup and said to Walker, with 
great determination, ''We'll drive McClellan into 
the Potomac." 

Stuart could not make his way around McClellan's 
right for it was posted in a strong i)Osition and the 
Federal guns commanded that region as far as the 
river. ''It is a great pity," said Jackson, when 
he heard that the flank movement was not possible ; 
^'we should have driven McClellan into the 
Potomac." On the following day, when McClellan 
failed to renew the battle, Lee again expressed a 
purpose to turn the Federal right. An examination 
of the position, however, sustained Stuart's view 
that it was impossible to move around that flank. 

"If McClellan wants to fight in the morning, 



SHAEPSBURG 291 

I will give him battle agaiu." Such were the 
bold words of Lee ou the uight of September 17th, 
after the awful struggle ou the field of Shaipsburg. 
The carnage had bceu fearful. More thau 9,000 
Confederates had falleu ; the Federal loss was over 
12,000. About 6,000 stragglers came up to 
strengtheu the Confederate regiments and when 
dawn came on the 18th, Lee's men were ready to 
renew the conflict, but McClellan's lines stood 
silent all day. Two heavy divisions came to aid 
him and other reinforcements were assembling. 
During the night of the 18th, therefore, Lee crossed 
the Potomac at Boteler's Ford. Both Lee and 
Jackson sat on their horses in the river until they 
saw every wagon and every foot-soldier pass through 
the stream. 

Not a shot was fired at the Confederates as they 
crossed from Maryland into Virginia. Toward the 
close of the 19th, however, a body of Federal 
infantry passed the ford, drove away the Confed- 
erate rear-guard and captured four guns from the 
reserve artillery which General Pendleton had posted 
to command the crossing. The Confederate divi- 
sions had gone into bivouac in widely -separated 
positions. The news of the attack did not reach 
Lee until after midnight. Before his orders came to 
Jackson, the latter had galloped back toward the 
Potomac, summoning the divisions of A. P. Hill 
and Ewell (now under Early) to follow him. Stu- 
art's cavalry was absent, having crossed agaiu into 
Maryland at Williamsport. When the Light Di- 
vision (Hill's) came up with Jackson on the morn- 



292 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ing of the 20th, they found him entirely alone, sitting 
on his horse in the roadway near Shepherdstown. 
He was quietly watching the advance of the infantry 
of Porter^ s Federal corps ; for three brigades had 
been sent across the ford to pursue Lee's army. 
The situation was critical, as the roads were still 
crowded with the Confederate wagon- trains. Jack- 
son acted upon the instant ; he ordered Hill to de- 
ploy his troops in two lines and advance immedi- 
ately against the enemy. The Federal artillery be- 
yond the river sent a storm of shells into the faces 
of Hill's men as they rushed forward to the charge. 
The Federal forces started to withdraw in all haste 
across the Potomac, but Hill caught one brigade on 
the bank, outflanked it and drove the Federal 
troops down the bluffs and into the stream with 
serious loss. McClellan made no further attempt to 
follow the Confederates into Virginia. 

Lee did not gain all of the advantages for which 
he had entered Maryland. Only a few hundred re- 
cruits joined his armj^, and he maintained himself 
beyond the Virginia border for only a brief period. 
It is true that he captured Harper's Ferry and its 
garrison, but the straggling from his army was so 
serious that he fought the battle of Sharpsburg with 
only about 37,000 men of all arms.^ Strategically, 
the Confederate campaign was not a success. From 
the tactical point of view, however, the Confederates 
crowned themselves with more than honor uj^on the 
ridge at Sharpsburg. At every point they out- 

^This is the estimate made by General Palfrey, an officer in 
McClellan's army, and may be accepted as accurate. 



SHAEPSBUEG 293 

fought tlie Federal forces and during the day after 
the battle held undisputed jDossession of the field. 
The necessity of retreating into Virginia, however, 
due to smallness of numbers, seemed to stamp the 
campaign as a failure and gave the authorities at 
Washington an opx)ortunity to claim Sharpsburg as 
a Federal victorj^ On September 22d, therefore, 
President Lincoln issued a proclamation, declaring 
freedom to all slaves in the Southern states. The 
only effect of this manifesto was to make the war 
thenceforth in name that which it had always been 
in fact : a crusade against the system of domestic 
servitude that prevailed in the South. 

During the beautiful autumn days of 1862, the 
Confederates lay in bivouac in the pictui*esque Val- 
ley of Virginia. The stragglers came pouring in 
from every quarter and a few days after the battle 
of Sharpsburg, Lee's army was raised to a strength 
of more than 50,000 men. On October 2d, Lee 
asked President Davis to organize the Army of 
I^orthern Virginia into two army corps, to be com- 
manded by Lougstreet and Jackson. ^^ My opinion 
of General Jackson," wrote Lee to Davis, ^^ has been 
greatly enhanced during this expedition. He is true, 
honest, and brave ; has a single eye to the good of 
the service, and spares no exertion to accomplish 
his object." * On October 11th, therefore, Jackson 
was given the rank of lieutenant-general and was 
made commander of the Second Army Corps. This 
body consisted of the divisions of Taliaferro (Stone- 
wall), Early (Ewell's), A. P. Hill and D. H. Hill, 
» Official Records, Vol. XIX, Part II, p. 1007. 



294 STONEWALL JACKSON 

with Brown's battalion of artillery, a force of 1,917 
officers, 25,000 men and 126 guns. 

The spirits of the Confederates as they lay in camp 
were excellent. When they were not engaged in the 
work of drilling, they were as much given to frolic 
and laughter as a party of schoolboys. Throughout 
the day, jests and practical jokes kept the bivouac 
in a state of almost continual merriment. Should 
Jackson ride among them, however, this was in- 
stantly changed to enthusiastic cheers. When the 
sound of distant shouting was heard rolling along 
the line, the soldiers would say, *^Boys, look 
out ! here comes * Old Stonewall ' or an old hare ! '' 
This phrase soon came into universal use among 
the soldiers to give expression to their idea of his 
popularity. Mounted on '^ Little Sorrel," the gen- 
eral would dash by to escape the tributes of loyalty 
and admiration which his men were ready to bestow 
whenever their eyes fell upon him. They laughed 
at his worn uniform, his faded cap, and his polite- 
ness, but they had implicit confidence in his integrity 
and capacity. ''Where are you going!" some of 
his men were asked, as they were called on suddenly 
to make a quick march. "We don-t know but 
' Old Jack ' does," was the ready answer. Around 
the camp-fires, Jackson's men invented ingenious 
stories to illustrate his great skill as a military 
leader. One of them ran as follows : " Stonewall 
died and two angels came down from heaven to take 
him back with them. They went to his tent ; he 
was not there. They went to the hospital ; he was 
not there. They went to the outposts j he was not 



SHAEPSBUEG 295 

there. They went to the prayer-meeting ; he was 
not there. They had to return, therefore, without 
him ; but as they were reporting that he had disap- 
peared, they learned that he had made a flank march 
and had reached heaven before them." ^' It took 
Moses forty years," ran another story, '' to lead the 
children of Israel through the wilderness ; ' Old 
Jack ' would have double-quicked them through in 
three days on half rations ! " 

Jackson thought that his men were heroes, and 
they knew his opinion about them. ' ' Splendid 
men," he sometimes called them and once he said : 
'* The patriot volunteer, fighting for his country and 
his rights, makes the most reliable soldier upon 
earth." He was as courteous to the humblest 
private as to the commander-in-chief ; and he spent 
his best efforts to secure the promotion of officers 
who had shown their capabilities under his own eye. 
After the battle of Sharpsburg, General Lane, who 
had been a cadet in the Institute, was called to 
Jackson's headquarters to receive orders for some 
detached service. ''He knew me," writes Lane, 
'' as soon as I entered his tent, though we had not 
met for years. He rose quickly, with a smile on his 
face, took my hand in both of his in the warmest 
manner, expressed his pleasure at seeing me, chided 
me for not having been to see him, and bade me be 
seated. His kind words, the tones of his voice, his 
familiarly calling me ' Lane,' whereas it had always 
been ' Mr. Lane ' at the Institute, put me completely 
at my ease. Then, for the first time, I began to 
love that reserved man whom I had always honored 



296 STONEWALL JACKSON 

and respected as my professor, and whom I greatly 
admired as my general." 

After Lane had performed the special service, 
Jackson "complimented me,'^ he writes, ''on the 
thoroughness of my work, told me that he had rec- 
ommended me for promotion to take permanent 
charge of Branch's brigade, and that as I was the 
only person recommended through military channels, 
I would be appointed in spite of the two aspirants 
who were trying to bring j)olitical influence to bear 
in Eichmond in their behalf. When I rose to go, 
he took my hand in both of his, looked me steadily 
in the face, and in the words and tones of friendly 
warmth, which can never be forgotten, again ex- 
pressed his confidence in my promotion and bade 
me good-bye with a ' God bless you. Lane ! ' " ^ 

The worship and devotion manifested toward 
Jackson by his men was given voice after the gen- 
eral's death, by his adjutant-general, A. S. Pendle- 
ton. With his face suffused with manly tears, this 
gallant soldier cried out, " God knows, I would have 
died for him ! " ^ 

One morning in October, Stuart sent his adjutant 
to Jackson's headquarters to give him a new 
uniform coat which had just been completed by a 
Eichmond tailor. " I produced General Stuart's 
present," writes the adjutant, "in all its magnifi- 
cence of gilt buttons and sheeny facings and gold 
lace, and I was heartily amused at the modest con- 
fusion with which the hero of many battles regarded 

^ 3femoirs, pp. 536-537. 

^ Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 247. 



SHAEPSBUEG 297 

the fine uniform, scarcely daring to touch it, and at 
the quiet way iu which at last he folded it up care- 
fully and deposited it in his portmanteau, saying to 
me, ^ Give Stuart my best thanks, major ; the coat 
is much too handsome for me, but I shall take the 
best care of it, and shall prize it highly as a souvenir. 
And now let us have some dinner.' '' But the 
adjutant, Heros von Borcke, would not be put off in 
this manner. He insisted that the general should 
try on the coat, and Jackson assented. The members 
of the staff were delighted at their chief's bright 
garb. "Meanwhile," says the adjutant, "the 
rumor of the change ran like electricity through 
the neighboring camps, the soldiers came running 
by hundreds to the spot, desirous of seeing their be- 
loved Stonewall in his new attire ; and the first 
wearing of a new robe by Louis XIV, at whose 
morning toilette all the world was accustomed to as- 
semble, never created half the excitement at 
Versailles that was roused in the woods of Virginia 
by the investment of Jackson in the new regulation 
uniform." * 

On another occasion, a country woman, leading- 
two children by the hand, met Jackson in the 
roadway and stopped him to ask for her son John. 
"He is in Captain Jackson's company," said the 
anxious mother. The general, with never-failing 
courtesy, introduced himself as John's commanding 
officer, and then inquired the name of the regiment 
to which he belonged. The good woman was sur- 
prised that ' ' Captain Jackson ' ' was not acquainted 

* 31emoirs of the Confederate War^ Vol. I, 



298 STONEWALL JACKSON 

with her son, and she began to weep. Some of 
Jackson's staff- o£Q.cers at the same time began to 
laugh, but the general sternly rebuked them and 
sent them off to find son John. After a long search, 
the boy soldier was discovered and brought to his 
mother. 

Concerning his military plans, Jackson was more 
reticent, perhaps, than ever. When Colonel Garnet 
Wolseley, in company with the special correspond- 
ents of two London newspapers, visited the general's 
headquarters, he received them with great cordialitj^ 
and then took the lead in the conversation. During 
his visit to England, he had become much in- 
terested in Durham Cathedral and the history of 
the bishopric. Now, in order to cut off all ques- 
tioning about his battles and proposed movements, 
Jackson did nearly all of the talking. An eye- 
witness of the scene tells us that the general ' ' cross- 
examined the Englishmen in detail about the 
cathedral and the close and the rights of the 
bishops. He gave them no chance to talk, and 
kept them busy answering questions, for he knew 
more about Durham than they did." ^ 

In his letters to his wife, during this period, 
Jackson expressed his expectation that peace would 
soon be reestablished. He was evidently confident 
that the South would win the final victory in the 
war. '*Do not send me anymore handkerchiefs, 
socks or gloves," he wrote, '^as I trust I have 
enough to last until peace.'' 

Jackson's days in camp were filled as usual with 

^ Memoirs, pp. 530- 531. 



SHARPSBURG 299 

multiplied labors. The work of organization, of 
securing arms and supplies, of drilling and dis- 
cipline, kept liim busy from morning until night. 
One of his most gallant brigadiers, Gregg of 
South Carolina, resented the general's action in a 
matter of discipline in one of the South Carolina 
regiments. Gregg wrote out a series of formal 
charges against Jackson and demanded an in- 
vestigation of the latter' s alleged severity. The 
papers were delivered to General Lee. After wait- 
ing some time, Gregg sent a staff- ofQcer to ask 
Lee what had become of the charges. The com- 
mander-in-chief then returned the papers with 
this message: ''Tell General Gregg," he said, 
" that the public service cannot afford any misun- 
derstanding between such officers as General Jack- 
son and General Gregg." Not long afterward the 
two officers became friends once more. With work 
and recreation mingled, the autumn days sped away 
and the Confederate army still lingered in the lower 
Valley. The Confederate leaders were watching the 
movements of McClellan, and the soldiers, with a 
devotion that grew more intense each day, were 
ready for the coming struggle. Around every 
cami)-fire were often heard the verses entitled 
" Stonewall Jackson's "VVay," celebrating the char- 
acter aiid the deeds of the commander of the Valley 
army. They ran in part as follows : 

" Come, stack arms, men, pile on the rails ; 
Stir up the camp-fires bright ; 
No matter if the canteen fails, 
We'll make a roaring night. 



300 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Here Shenandoah brawls along, 
There lofty Blue Ridge echoes strong, 
To swell the brigade's roaring song 
Of Stonewall Jackson's way. 

" We see him now, — the old slouched hat 
Cocked o'er his eye askew ; 
The shrewd, dry smile — the speech so pat, 
So calm, so blunt, so true. 
The Blue-Light Elder knows them well : 
Says he, ' That's Banks — he's fond of shell ; 

Lord save his soul ! we'll give him ' "Well, 

That's Stonewall Jackson's way. 

"Silence ! ground arms ! Kneel all ! Caps off! 

Old Blue-Light's going to pray ; 

Strangle the fool that dares to scoff ! 

Attention ! it's his way ! 

Appealing from his native sod, 

hi formd pauperis to God, 
* Lay bare thine arm, stretch forth thy rod, 

Amen ! ' That's Stonewall's way. 

"He's in the saddle now ! Fall in ! 
Steady, the whole brigade ! 
Hill's at the ford, cut off !— we'll win 
His way out, ball and blade. 
What matter if our shoes are worn ? 
What matter if our feet are torn ? 
Quick step ! we're with him before morn ! 
That's Stonewall Jackson's way." 



CHAPTEE XXI 

FJBEDERICKSBUKG 

The summer campaign of 1862 brought the Army 
of the Potomac to the point of exhaustion. The 
men left in the ranks were v/orn out with marching 
and fighting ; the supply-train was broken down ; 
and there was imperative need of new horses and 
fresh recruits. The stragglers were numbered by 
thousands, and a large proportion of these had 
gone home to stay. For these reasons, McOlellan 
remained inactive on the northern bank of the 
Potomac for a period of more than five weeks after 
the battle of Sharpsburg. The general did not ap- 
prove the President's proclamation of Septem- 
ber 22d, and this attitude led to a widening of the 
breach between himself and Lincoln. On Oc- 
tober 7th, the latter ordered McClellan to cross the 
Potomac and give battle to the Confederates, but no 
advance was made. At dawn on October 10th a 
body of 1,800 Confederate horsemen, led by Stuart, 
crossed the Potomac at a point above Williamsport, 
and made a dash for Chambersburg in Pennsylvania ; 
they rode through Emmitsburg and thence south- 
ward in the rear of McClellan's army, to the mouth 
of the Monocacy, where they recrossed the Potomac 
into Virginia. This brilliant exploit was Stuart's 
second ride entirely around the Army of the 



302 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Potomac. During the period of fifty-isix hours 
Stuart was within the Federal lines, and he brought 
back several hundred fine horses for the use of his 
troopers. Most of the horses of the Federal cavalry 
were completely broken down in their vain j)ursuit 
of the daring Confederates. On October 26th, Mc- 
Clellan began to move his great army of 125,000 men 
and 320 guns across the Potomac into the region 
east of the Blue Eidge ; a week later, on Novem- 
ber 2d, the main body of the Federal forces was 
concentrated near Warientou. To meet this Federal 
advance, Lee ordered Lougstreet's corps to cross the 
Blue Eidge to Culpeper Court-House. Jackson's 
corps was left in the Valley to threaten McClellan's 
lines of communication with AVashington. On 
November 7th, McClellan was removed from his 
position and Burnside was appointed commander 
of the Army of the Potomac. The latter at once 
changed the plan of campaign and instead of ad- 
vancing against Longstreet at Culpeper, he turned 
the head of his army eastward and marched to 
Fredericksburg. Burnside was afraid to operate 
near the Blue Eidge with Jackson in the Valley so 
near the Federal flank ; he, therefore, proposed to 
cross the Eappahaunock at Fredericksburg and 
march swiftly toward Eichmond in advance of the 
Confederates. But Lee was too quick for him. 
When he learned that the Federal forces had left 
Warrenton, he moved Longstreet to Fredericksburg 
to check the progress of Burnside ; at the same 
time he sent a courier to order Jackson from the 
Valley to Orange Court-House. 



FEEDEEICKSBUEG 303 

During the latter part of October Jackson's corps 
was engaged in the work of destroying the Balti- 
more and Ohio Eailroad west of Harper's Ferry. 
The lines from Harper's Ferry to Winchester and 
from Strasburg to Manassas Junction were also com- 
pletely broken up. "When McClellan crossed the 
river into Virginia, Jackson's corps moved to the 
vicinity of Winchester to keep close watch upon the 
movements of the Federal army. The authorities 
at Washington and in Pennsylvania became appre- 
hensive that Jackson would cross the Potomac, 
march through Maryland and Pennsylvania and, 
perhaps, seize the Federal capital. Jackson made 
plans for a movement against the Federal rear, 
but the unshod condition of his men delayed 
the expedition. Then he labored without ceasing 
to secure supplies of clothing and his friend Boteler 
succeeded in obtaining in Eichmond a large quantity 
of shoes and blankets for the Second Corps. 

The November days were far spent when Jackson 
established his headquarters inside the town of Win- 
chester. He wrote his wife that he was located in a 
large, white house, about one hundred yards from 
Dr. Graham's manse, in full view of their winter- 
quarters of the year before. On November 22d, 
however, in response to Lee's summons, he bade 
farewell to Winchester. His last evening there was 
spent with his old friends at the manse. The minis- 
ter's wife wrote to Mrs. Jackson : 



''He is in such perfect health, — far handsomer 
than I ever saw him, and is in such fine spirits, and 



304 STONEWALL JACKSON 

seemed so unreserved and unrestrained in liis inter- 
course with us that we did enjoy him to the full. 
The children begged to be permitted to sit up to see 
'General Jackson' and he really seemed overjoyed 
to see them, played with and fondled them, and they 
were equally pleased. I have no doubt it was a 
great recreation to him. He seemed to be living 
over last winter again, and talked a great deal about 
the hope of getting back to spend this winter with 
us, in that old room, which I told him I was keep- 
ing for you and him. He expects to leave to- 
morrow, but says he may come back yet. This 
would be too delightful. He certainly has had adu- 
lation enough to spoil him, but it seems not to affect 
or harm him at all. He is the same humble, de- 
pendent Christian, desiring to give God the glory, 
and looking to Him alone for a blessing, and not 
thinking of himself. I always feel assured that he 
does everything under the guidance of our heavenly 
Father, and this is the secret of his wonderful 
success. 

''I fixed him a lunch for to-morrow and we sat 
and talked ; the evening was concluded by bowing 
before the family altar again, and imploring our 
Father's blessing upon you and all of us, whatever 
may betide." * 

Stonewall's last march in the Valley was made 
on the turnpike leading southward from Winches- 
ter, past Kernstown and Strasburg. At New 
Market he turned eastward along the familiar road- 
way, across the Massanuttons and over the Shenan- 
doah Ford at Columbia. Thence he passed through 
the Blue Eidge at Fisher's Gap and reached Madi- 
son Court-House on November 26th. The following 

1 Life of Jackson, by his wife, pp. 372-373. 



FEEDEKIOKSBURG 305 

day his corps was assembled at Orauge Court-House. 
The distance of 120 miles had thus been made by 
the troops in eight days, two being given to rest. 
Organization and discipline had now been brought 
to such a state of perfection that Jackson's army 
moved steadily forward with scarcely a straggler 
left behind. 

Burnside's advance across the Eappahannock had 
been delayed, first, by the necessity of rebuilding 
the railway to Aquia Creek and afterward by the 
failure of the Washington authorities to send for- 
ward a pontoon train. He was still encamj^ed near 
Falmouth on the north bank of the stream. On No- 
vember 29th, therefore, Lee ordered Jackson to move 
from Orange to the lower Eai)j)ahannock. Early's 
division was posted to defend the crossing at Skink- 
er's Neck, twelve miles below Fredericksburg. At 
Port Eoyal, six miles farther down the stream, 
D. H. Hill was located ; Taliaferro's division went 
into biA^ouac at Guiney's Station, nine miles from 
Fredericksburg ; and A. P. Hill's encampment was 
at Yerby's House, only five miles from Longstreet's 
position. The First Corps under Longstreet and 
Lee occupied the ridge which runs parallel with the 
Eappahannock about one mile west of the town of 
Fredericksburg. Stuart's horsemen kept watch on 
the extreme Confederate flanks. 

Lee had at this time an army of 78,500 men and 
275 guns. It was not his original purpose to op- 
pose Burnside at Fredericksburg ; he preferred to 
make a stand farther south behind the North Anna 
Eiver. President Davis, however, wished to pro- 



306 STONEWALL JACKSON 

tect the region south of the Eappahannock from 
Federal invasion and Lee yielded to the President's 
desire. When Jackson arrived on the scene, he 
also wished to draw the Federal army to the North 
Anna, farther from its base of supplies. Such a 
policy would lead Burnside' s troops into a position 
where an attack might be made against his flank 
and rear. " I am opposed to fighting on the Eappa- 
hannock," said Jackson to D. H. Hill. ^^ We will 
whip the enemy, but gain no fruits of victory. I 
have advised the line of the North Anna, but have 
been overruled." ^ 

Burnside's first plan was to cross the river a day^s 
march below Fredericksburg. Federal gunboats 
came puffing up the stream to cooperate with the 
army, but D. H. Hill's cannon and Stuart's horse- 
artillery drove these vessels away. Moreover, the 
vigilance of Early rendered a crossing impossible at 
Skinker's Neck. Then Burnside, spurred on by the 
demands of Northern newspapers, decided to cross 
the Rappahannock and overcome the Confederates 
in front of the town before those in bivouac at Port 
Royal could be brought up the river to their aid. 
This plan called for rapid movements on the part of 
the Federal forces. 

More than 140 guns, many of them of large calibre, 
were placed in position on the Stafford Heights, on 
the north bank of the river. Then at dawn on the 
morning of December 11, 1862, a force of bridge- 
builders began to work opposite Fredericksburg. 
Barksdale's brigade of Mississippi riflemen was 
^ Dsibney^s Jackson, p. 595. 



FEEDEEICKSBURG 307 

posted behind the houses on the southern bank and 
when the sun cleared the mist away, the Confederates 
Oldened fire and the Federal workmen fled. Again 
and again was the effort made to construct the bridge, 
but the fire of Barksdale's riflemen was too hot for the 
workmen. At ten o'clock, Burnside turned his bat- 
teries of heavy guns upon the town ; the houses were 
knocked into pieces but the gallant Mississij)i)ians 
still held the bank and with an unerring aim kept 
back the Federal forces. Nearly the entire day the 
fight continued ; late in the afternoon, a body of 
Federal troops crossed in boats, and the bridge was 
eventually built. Three additional bridges were 
thrown across a mile below the town and advanced- 
guards secured a foothold on the southern bank. 

On the morning of December 12th, under cover of 
a dense fog, Burnside sent the main body of his 
great army across the river, but no attack was made 
that day. Lee called up the divisions of A. P. Hill 
and Taliaferro and arrayed them on Longstreet's 
right. At noon on the 12th he sent couriers to sum- 
mon Early and D. H. Hill. These two divisions of 
Jackson's forces made a rapid night march and came 
upon the field just at the right moment to meet the 
enemy's advance. 

A heavy mist covered river and plain on the 
morniog of December 13th. The ground was frozen, 
and the rumbling of artillery carriages was heard by 
the Confederates at an early hour, giving notice that 
Burnside' s divisions were forming for the attack. ' 
Longstreet's line occupied the ridge west of the 
town ; his right extended as far as the ravine of 



308 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Deep Eun. Jackson's line was drawn out for 2,600 
yards along the ridge from Deep Eun to Prospect 
Hill. His skirmishers were posted along the Eich- 
mond and Fredericksburg Eailroad. At the dis- 
tance of 150 yards behind the railway embankment, 
he arranged his fighting line ; the men were drawn 
up in the edge of the woods along the crest of the 
ridge. A gentle slope, free from obstructions, lay 
in front of the riflemen. 

Both the first and second lines of Jackson's corps 
were made uj) from the brigades of Hill's division. 
Walker's battery of fourteen guns held Prospect 
Hill on the right ; the brigades of Archer and Lane 
held the front line ; behind them stood Gregg, 
Thomas and Pender. Hill left a weak point in his 
line, between the brigades of Archer and Lane. 
At that point a tract of marshy woodland projected 
beyond the rest of the forest and extended down the 
slope a quarter of a mile beyond the railroad. Hill 
did not draw up his men in this marsh for it was 
covered with undergrowth so dense that he supposed 
that the Federal forces would not attempt to enter 
it. A gap of 600 yards was thus left in the Confed- 
erate firing-line, between Archer's left and Lane's 
right. Lane himself pointed out the danger, but 
Hill did not heed the warning. Jackson's third line 
was formed from the divisions of Taliaferro and Early, 
and D. H. Hill's division was posted behind these 
in reserve. On his left, Jackson massed thirty- three 
guns in a commanding position. Stuart's two brig- 
ades of cavalry, withPelham's horse -artillery, were 
posted on the extreme right near Massaponax Creek. 



PEEDEEICKSBUEG 309 

Early on the morning of the ISth, after the Fed- 
eral artillery had opened fire, Jackson and his staff 
rode along the line of battle. The general wore the 
new uniform which Stuart had presented to him ; 
his old cadet cap had been laid aside for the hat of 
a lieutenant-general, adorned with gold lace. More- 
over, he rode a prancing war-horse which the sol- 
diers did not recognize. Most of the men, there- 
fore, did not know their commander as he galloped 
past them. A Confederate artilleryman has given 
the following description of his appearance at a 
later hour on that eventful day : 

*' A general officer, mounted upon a superb bay 
horse and followed by a single courier, rode up 
through our guns. Looking neither to the right 
nor the left, he rode straight to the front, halted, 
and seemed gazing intently on the enemy's line of 
battle. The outfit before me, from top to toe, cap, 
coat, toi) -boots, horse and furniture, were all of the 
new order of things. But there was something 
about the man that did not look so new after all. 
He appeared to be an old-time friend of all the tur- 
moil around him. As he had done us the honor 
to make an afternoon call on the artillery, I thought 
it becoming in some one to say something on the 
occasion. No one did, however ; so, although a 
somewhat bashful and weak-kneed youngster, I 
plucked up courage enough to venture to remark 
that those big guns over the river had been knock- 
ing us about pretty considerably during the day. 
He quickly turned his head, and I knew in an in- 
stant who it was before me. The clear-cut, chis- 
eled features ; the thin, compressed and determined 
lips ; the calm, steadfast eye ; the countenance to 
command respect, and in time of war to give the 



310 STONEWALL JACKSON 

soldier that confidence he so much craves from a 
superior officer, were all there. He turned his head 
quickly, and looking me all over, rode up the line 
and away as quickly and silently as he came, his 
little courier hard upon his heels ; and this was my 
first sight of Stonewall Jackson." ' 

Jackson rode from his own front to Lee's Hill, 
near Hazel Eun, about the center of the field of 
battle. A little after 9 A. M. he found Lee upon 
that eminence watching the advance of the Federal 
host. The sun was lifting the mist from the plain 
below, disclosing a great assemblage of more than 
85,000 Federal soldiers, with countless batteries of 
field-guns. The left wing of Burnside's army, un- 
der Franklin, a force of 55,000 men and 116 guns, 
was already moving forward against Jackson's 
corps ; the right wing, led by Sumner, 30, 000 
strong, was deploying for an assault on Longstreet 
at Marye's Hill. The Federal skirmish line was de- 
livering a hot fire and a storm of shells was poured 
upon the Second Corps from the Stafford hills be- 
yond the river. This spectacle, so vast in its pro- 
portions, so dreadful in its purpose, was calculated 
to fill every observer with awe and terror. Long- 
street, however, ^'to whose sturdy breast," says 
Dabney, ' ' the approach of battle seemed to bring 
gaiety, said to Jackson : * General, do not all these 
multitudes of Federals frighten you ? ' He replied, 
' We shall see very soon whether I shall not frighten 
them.' " Thus filled with the stern spirit of battle, 
Jackson rode back to direct his corps in the struggle 

^ Henderson's Jackson, Vol. II, p. 312. 



FEEDEEICKSBUEG 311 

with Frauklin. He spent the chief part of the day 
among Walker's guns on Prospect Hill, near Ham- 
ilton's Crossing. 

Burnside was still ignorant of the fact that Jack- 
son's corps had marched up from Port Eoyal ; for 
Jackson's men were so carefully hidden in the forest 
that the Federal scouts had not discovered them. 
Burnside, therefore, commanded Franklin to seize 
the ridge and roadway at Hamilton's Crossing, and 
at 9 A. M. Meade's division, a body of 4,500 Penn- 
sylvanians, advauced from the river to carry out 
this order. In three long lines, with regimental 
flags waving in the bright sunlight, Meade's men 
moved boldly forward. Just as the first line crossed 
the old Eichmond road, however, Pelham's two 
rifled guns opened fire upon them at close range. 
In obedience to Jackson's orders, Pelham had gal- 
loped far to the front and posted his cannon near 
the left flank of the advancing lines. His fire was 
so rapid and deadly that he held back Meade's en- 
tire division for more than half an hour. Twelve 
Federal cannon concentrated their fire upon the 
daring artillerist ; one of his pieces was injured, and 
then, when his ammunition had been exhausted, he 
brought away the other. 

After Pelham's withdrawal, Franklin planted 
several- batteries near the Eichmond road and 
poured a heavy fire of shells upon the woods in his 
front. The cannon on the Stafford Heights kept up 
a steady roar as they supported Franklin's field- 
guns. Jackson's infantry were protected from harm 
by the trees of the forest ; the Confederate cannon 



312 STONEWALL JACKSON 

were not permitted to reply, but reserved their fire 
for the attack of the Federal infantry. While the 
heavy shot were thus rushing through the air above 
his head, Jackson walked far out into the open 
field in front of his lines to examine the enemy's 
position with his own eye. A Federal sharpshooter 
suddenly sprang from the ground and at the dis- 
tance of two hundred yards fired his rifle at the gen- 
eral. As the bullet whistled past his head, Jackson 
turned with a smile and said to the aide who accom- 
panied him, ^'Had you not better go to the rear? 
They may shoot you.'' He quietly completed his 
examination of the forces in his front and then re- 
turned to his place of observation among his guns 
on Prospect Hill. A little after 11 A. M., Meade 
came bravely on again, when suddenly, to the as- 
tonishment of the Federal soldiers and officers, a 
fearful artillery fire burst upon them from the woods 
on the ridge. Meade's brigades were broken up 
and driven back in confusion to the Richmond road. 
For an hour and a half a fierce artillery duel was 
carried on between the Federal gunners and the 
Confederate cannon on Prospect Hill. The Federal 
fire was accurate and swept the crest of the hill with 
such deadly effect that Jackson, like the rest of the 
horsemen, dismounted, and for a short time lay 
down on the ground to protect himself against the 
storm of shells. ' ' Well, you men stand killing bet- 
ter than any I ever saw," said Pelham to the sur- 
viving gunners of one of the Confederate batteries, 
who were standing with heroic coolness in the midst 
of the awful carnage and sending back shell for 



FEEDEEICKSBURG 313 

shell in response to the enemy's fire/ At 1 P. M. 
Meade again advanced, with Gibbon's division on 
his right. Doubleday's division faced south to hold 
back Stuart's horsemen ; two other Federal divisions 
stood in reserve behind Meade. More than fifty 
field-guns, posted at the right and left of the attack- 
ing force, supi)orted the Federal advance. Meade's 
division moved directly toward the projecting tri- 
angle of woodland, and forced a way through the un- 
dergrowth between Lane and Archer until they were 
in the rear of Hill' s first line. Some of the Confeder- 
ates of the second line, not expecting so bold an 
advance, had their arms stacked. The gallant 
Gregg supposed that the Federal troops were friends 
and attempted to beat up the muskets of his own 
men who were firing upon the foe. Gregg received 
a mortal wound from the Federal advanced-guard ; 
then two of his regiments faced about and checked 
the progress of the enemy. 

A few minutes before the fall of Gregg, an aide 
galloped rapidly to Prospect Hill and shouted in 
Jackson's ear, ''General, the enemy have broken 
through Archer's left, and General Gregg says he 
must have help, or he and General Archer will both 
lose their position." Without any trace of excite- 
ment in voice or manner, Jackson quietly sent orders 
to Early and Taliaferro to drive back the enemy 
with the bayonet. The general then resumed his 
occupation of watching the enemy's reserve brigades, 
leaving to his subordinates the management of the 
fighting. Both Taliaferro and Early had antici- 
^ Story of a Cannoneer Under Stonewall Jackson, p. 162. 



314 STONEWALL JACKSON 

pated the summons of their leader and with leveled 
bayonets their divisions drove Meade's forces across 
the railroad. Two of Early's brigades rushed into 
the open field beyond the railroad in i)ursuit of the 
enemy. No orders could restrain their enthusiasm. 
Only the presence of heavy reserves prevented them 
from driving Meade's regiments into the river. 
When ammunition failed, these daring Confederates 
had to fall back with considerable loss. 

It was now 2 : 30 p. m. and Franklin had lost 
5, 000 men, but Burnside sent an order for a renewal 
of the attack. Franklin's confidence in his soldiers 
and in his commanding general was gone. He 
made no reply to Burnside, and he did not advance 
again. Meanwhile, the divisions of Taliaferro and 
Early, with a portion of A. P. Hill's division, formed 
a new line along the railway and in the edge of the 
woods ; D. H. Hill's men composed a third line in 
the rear. Active skirmishing went on during the 
afternoon, but in the face of Jackson's veterans, 
Franklin deliberately disobeyed Burnside' s urgent 
order and the battle in that part of the line was 
over. 

The struggle in front of the town of Fredericks- 
burg was by this time drawing toward an end. It 
began there about noon with the advance of Burn- 
side's right wing, composed of more than 40,000 
Federal troops under Sumner, against Lougstreet's 
position at Marye's Hill. Brigade after brigade 
rushed forward, only to meet a bloody repulse at 
the hands of Cobb's Georgia riflemen, posted in a 
sunken road at the foot of the slope, and aided by 



FEEDEEICKSBUBG 315 

Eansom^s North Carolinians and the Washington 
artillery from New Orleans on the top of the hill. 
After some time had passed, Kershaw's South Car- 
olinians joined the Georgians in the sunken road 
and E. P. Alexander's battalion of artillery came 
into position at the crest of the hill. The Federal 
infantry, led by brave, skilful officers, advanced to 
the charge in the most courageous manner. They 
never reached the foot of the hill ; for their ranks 
were broken and their men fell by thousands under 
the terrible fire of the Confederates. 

By three o'clock in the afternoon both wings of 
Burnside's army had been driven back with fearful 
slaughter. Lee expected a renewal of the attack at 
Marye's Hill and was ready to meet it. Jackson, 
also, supposed that Franklin would advance again 
and waited some time to receive him. When he 
saw that the Federal forces had halted, Jackson de- 
termined to move his corps forward and, if possible, 
drive the enemy into the river. At sunset all of the 
guns of the Second Corps were pushed to the front 
and ordered to open fire upon Franklin's position 
as a preliminary to the advance of the infantry. 
When the first Confederate battery began to send its 
shells toward the river, a tremendous fire in reply 
was drawn from Franklin's 116 guns and from 
about thirty of the Federal guns on Stafford Heights. 
This mass of artillery '*so completely swept our 
front," said Jackson in his report, *^asto satisfy 
me that the proposed movement should be aban- 
doned." ' An attempt by Stuart's horsemen to as- 
* Official Records, Vol. XXI, p. 634. 



316 STONEWALL JACKSON 

sail the enemy's left flank near the river was also 
checked by the heavy Federal guns. 

A night attack with the bayonet was the next 
plan considered by Jackson. He asked his medical 
director for a yard of bandaging to place on the arm 
of every soldier so that the men, in making the as- 
sault, might know one another from the enemy. 
Cotton cloth in sufficient quantity for this purpose 
was not available. Moreover, Lee thought that the 
attack would be hazardous and it was not made. 

The men of both armies lay down upon their arms 
and waited for the dawn, expecting a renewal of the 
struggle the next day. Jackson retired to his tent, 
where he found his friend, Colonel Boteler. The 
latter was invited to share the general's bed, but 
Jackson himself sat up until near midnight, writing 
and sending orders, after which he stretched his 
wearied body, booted and spurred, upon his pallet, 
and slept for two or three hours. Then he arose, 
lighted his candle and again began to write. Sud- 
denly perceiving that the candle was throwing its 
rays into the face of Colonel Boteler, whom he sup- 
posed to be asleep, he carefully placed a book upon 
the table as a shield. 

^'From work, Jackson j^assed to reflection, and 
Boteler said : ' What are you thinking of, general ? ^ 

" ' Oh ! are you awake'! ' was his reply ; ' I was 
thinking of the battle to-morrow, and that the balls 
will be hotter on the hill by the crossing than to- 
day.' 

''Then the sound of horses' hoofs was heard, and 
an orderly entered the tent. 

** ' Who is that r asked Jackson. 



FEEDERICKSBUEG 317 

" * Somebody from General Gregg. ^ 

^' * Tell him to come in.^ 

^' An ofi&cer entered and spoke as follows : ' Gen- 
eral Gregg is dying, general, and sent me to say to 
you that he wrote you a letter recently in which he 
used exi^ressions he is now sorry for. He says that 
he meant no disrespect by that letter, and was only 
doiog what he considered to be his duty. He hopes 
you will forgive him. ' 

*^ Jackson was greatly moved and replied, 'Tell 
General Gregg I will be with him immediately.' " ' 

He then summoned Dr. McGuire and sent him to 
minister to the wounded South Carolinian. A few 
minutes later Jackson himself mounted his horse 
and rode through the chill December night to the 
farmhouse where Gregg lay. A misunderstanding 
had arisen between them during the Sharpsburg 
campaign, as we have already seen, over a question of 
discipline, and Gregg had iDreferred charges against 
Jackson. Now the latter bent in tender sympathy 
over the bed of his dying comrade, and spoke of 
the Christian's faith and hope. The two soldiers 
were thus completely reconciled. Before leaving, 
Jackson tenderly kissed Gregg on the forehead. 
Having bade farewell to his gallant and effi- 
cient brigadier, he rode back in silence to his tent. 
Doctor McGuire, who accompanied him, made a 
reference to the great calamity sent upon the South 
in the loss of such men as Gregg. He then asked 
Jackson how the Confederates were to deal with the 
overwhelming numbers of the enemy. ' ' Kill them, 
sir ! Kill every man ! " replied the general, who 
^ Boteler's statement in Cookers Jackson, pp. 387-388. 



318 STONEWALL JACKSON 

was again in his fighting mood and eager to meet 
Franklin in another battle. 

Throughout the 14th and 15th, the two armies 
continued to face each other. Burnside was in favor 
of renewing the attack, but he was dissuaded from 
doing so by the Federal officers who had taken part 
in the conflict. On the morning of the 15th Burn- 
side sent a flag of truce, asking permission to bury 
his dead ; the request was granted. During the fol- 
lowing night a fierce storm broke upon the Eap- 
pahannock Valley, and under its cover, the Federal 
army was withdrawn to the northern bank of the 
stream. The Federal losses in the battle were 
12,647 J the Confederate losses, 5,309. 

During the month of December, 1862, Hampton 
and Stuart made daring cavalry raids toward the 
rear of the Federal army. Near the close of the 
month of January, 1863, Burnside attempted to 
cross the Kappahannock above Fredericksburg and 
move around Lee's left flank. The roads were so 
heavy, however, that he soon abandoned the move- 
ment, which has since been known as the ''Mud 
March." Then Burnside was removed from com- 
mand and General Hooker was appointed as leader 
of the Army of the Potomac. 



CHAPTER XXII 

THE WINTER OF 1862-1863 

On December 16th, the clay after Burnside's re- 
treat, Lee ordered his army into winter-quarters on 
the south bank of the Eappahannock. The bivouacs 
of Jackson's brigades were extended down the river 
as far as Port Royal. Jackson himself pitched his 
tent in the woods near Moss Neck, overlooking the 
Rappahannock, eleven miles below Fredericksburg. 
Rooms were offered to him in a large mansion lo- 
cated at Moss Neck, but he was unwilling to put its 
occupants to any inconvenience. A few days later, 
however, in response to the urgent request of Rich- 
ard Corbin, a private in Stuart' s cavalry, and owner 
of the mansion, Jackson moved into a hunting-lodge 
that stood upon the lawn near the house. The lower 
story of this lodge was both his office and his bed- 
room ; a large tent, pitched on the grass, was used 
as a dining-room for himself and staff. Here he 
spent the winter months until the latter part of 
March, 1863. 

The first great task undertaken by Jackson in his 
winter home was the prei^aration of official reports 
of his campaigns and battles, from McDowell and 
Winchester to Fredericksburg. Charles Faulkner, 
his adjutant, prepared reports in outline from the 
papers sent in by subordinate officers. Jackson 
made a careful revision of Faulkner's work and 



320 STONEWALL JACKSON 

added with his own hand many passages bestowing 
unstinted praise upon his officers and men. He de- 
clared that the Bible furuishes excellent models for 
making official reports of battles. ''Look, for in- 
stance," said he, "at the narrative of Joshua's bat- 
tles with the Amalekites ; there you have one. It 
has clearness, brevity, modesty ; and it traces the 
victory to its right source, the blessing of God." 
John Esten Cooke writes : 

"The general was exceedingly careful not to have 
anything iDlaced thus upon formal record which was 
not established by irrefutable proof. Truth was 
with him the jewel beyond all price — and nothing 
discomposed him more than the bare suspicion that 
accuracy was sacrificed to effect. He disliked all 
glowing adjectives in the narratives of his battles, 
and presented to the members of his staff and all 
around him, a noble example of modesty and love 
of truth. He seemed, indeed, to have a horror of 
anything like ostentation, boasting or self-laudation, 
expressed or implied. Nothing was more disagree- 
able to him than the excessive praises which reached 
his ears through the newspapers of the day ; and he 
shrank from the attempts made to elevate him 
above his brother commanders with a repugnance 
which was obvious to every one. His dislike of all 
popular ovations was extreme. He did not wish 
his portrait to be taken, or his actions to be made 
the subject of laudatory comment in the journals of 
the day. When the publishers of an illustrated 
periodical wrote to him requesting his daguerreo- 
type and some notes of his battles for an engraving 
and a biographical sketch, he wrote in reply that 
he had no picture of himself and had never done 
anything." ^ 

* Cooke's Jackson^ pp. 390-391. 



THE WINTEE OF 1862-1863 321 

The spiritual welfare of his soldiers was the one 
subject which, more than any other, filled the mind 
and heart of Jackson during this winter in camp. 
He was anxious to have public worship maintained 
in every part of the army. He wrote ; 



''Each branch of the Church should send into the 
army some of its most prominent ministers, who are 
distinguished for their piety, talents and zeal ; and 
such ministers should labor to produce concert of 
action among chaplains and Christians in the army. 
These ministers should give special attention to 
preaching to regiments which are without chaplains, 
and induce them to take steps to get chaplains, to 
let the regiments name the denomination from 
which they desire chaplains selected, and then to 
see that suitable chaplains are secured. A bad se- 
lection of a chaplain may prove a curse instead of a 
blessing. If the few prominent ministers thus con- 
nected with each army would cordially cooperate, I 
believe that glorious fruits would be the result. 
Denominational distinctions should be kept out of 
view and not touched upon ; and as a general rule, 
I do not think that a chaplain who would preach 
denominational sermons, should be in the army. 
His congregation is his regiment, and it is com- 
posed of persons of various denominations. I would 
like to see no question asked in the army as to what 
denomination a chaplain belongs, but let the ques- 
tion be, ' Does he preach the Gospel ? ' The neglect 
of spiritual interests in the army may be partially 
seen in the fact that not half of my regiments have 
chaplains." ' 

The soldiers of the army lived in log cabins which 

* Dabney'a Jackson, pp. 647-648. 



322 STONEWALL JACKSON 

they built in the midst of the forest. Then, at Jack- 
son^ s suggestion, many of the brigades erected log 
chapels which were used regularly as houses of wor- 
ship. The Stonewall Brigade led the way in this 
work. Their building had a roof of boards and 
seats formed of split logs. The Sunday following 
its completion, this church in the woods was form- 
ally set apart to the worship of God. During the 
week, meetings were ofteii held for prayer, for the 
systematic study of the Bible and for practice in 
singing psalms and hymns. This chapel was near 
the quarters of Jackson and the general himself 
often came there to worship with his favorite brig- 
ade. In the church he laid aside all official dignity 
and selected a seat among the rough, weather-beaten 
privates. The reverence entertained by these hum- 
ble soldiers for the person of their commander 
''sometimes led them," says Dabuey, ''to leave a 
respectful distance between themselves and the seat 
he occupied ; but he would never consent that any 
space should be thus lost, when so many were crowd- 
ing to hear the Word. As he saw them seeking 
seats elsewhere, he was accustomed to rise and in- 
vite them by gesture to the vacancies near him, and 
was never so well satisfied as when he had an un- 
kempt soldier touching his elbow on either hand 
and all the room about him compactly filled. Then 
he was ready to address himself with his usual fixed 
attention to the services." ^ 

The Eeverend Beverley T. Lacy, a Presbyterian 
minister, was appointed chaplain at Jackson^ s 
^Dabney's Jackson^ pp. 650-661. 



THE WINTER OP 1862-1863 323 

headquarters, to exercise a general oversight of all 
religious work in the Second Corps. Arrangements 
for the preaching of the Gospel every Sunday were 
made by Mr. Lacy. Sometimes the chaplain him- 
self was the preacher. Very often, however, minis- 
ters of various denominations were invited to come 
to Jackson's encami^ment, from every part of the 
South. When, near the end of the winter season, 
the general removed his headquart-ers to Hamilton's 
Crossing, a place of worshij) was prepared in an 
open field. A pulpit was set up and seats were pro- 
vided. There, in the open air, every Sunday, a 
large congregation voluntarily assembled from every 
division of the army, surrounding the preacher in 
a compact mass as far as his voice could be heard. 
Thousands of soldiers came eagerly to take part in 
the worship 'of God. The stately figure of General 
Lee, dressed in a simple suit of gray, ornamented 
only with the three stars of a Confederate colonel, 
was often seen there. The commander-in-chief al- 
ways paid the most devout attention to the minister 
in charge and he was usually accompanied by a 
group of his famous comrades-in-arms. 

''At these scenes," says Dabney, ''which were 
so directly produced by his instrumentality. General 
Jackson was the most unobtrusive assistant. Seated 
in some retired spot amidst the private soldiers, he 
listened to the worship and the preaching with an 
edifying attention, and watched the power of the 
truth upon the great congregation with a glow of 
elevated and tender delight. Never, since the days 
when Whitefield preached to the mingled crowd of 



324 STONEWALL JACKSON 

peers and beggars, lias the sky looked down upon a 
more imposing worship. '^ ^ 

Eegular meetings were held every week, by the 
chaplains and evangelists of the Second Corj^s, to 
devise measures for preaching the Gospel through- 
out the army. Jackson did not attend these meet- 
ings and he did not attempt to interfere with the 
plans made by the ministers ; but as soon as his own 
chaplain returned from the conference, the general 
would say to him, ^'Now, come and report. " Then 
he always manifested his readiness to assist in the 
work in every way possible. "When he was told 
of the fraternal love which reigned among the chap- 
lains, of the devout spirit manifested in their wor- 
ship, and of the news of the ingathering of souls which 
they brought from their several charges, his eyes 
were filled with happy tears, and he blessed God for 
the grace." The result of all these labors was a re- 
vival of religion which spread throughout the Army 
of Northern Virginia ; and hundreds of Confederate 
soldiers became earnest Christians. 

In the privacy of his quarters and in association 
with intimate Christian friends, Jackson invariably 
turned the conversation toward the discussion of 
spiritual topics. He often spoke of the importance 
of possessing an unwavering faith, of casting all our 
cares upon God ; he took delight in pointing out 
the evidences of God's faithfulness in keeping His 
promises. He placed great emphasis upon the duty 
of conforming our wills to God's, and of rendering 
cheerful submission to every manifestation of His 
* Dabney's Jackson, p. 649. 



I 



THE WINTER OF 1862-1863 325 

will. ''Duty is ours; consequences are God's;" 
this was Jackson's favorite maxim. It was his 
chief desire, he said, to command a ''converted 
army.'^ A body of Christian soldiers, he declared, 
who were engaged in a just cause and who entered 
upon every enterprise with prayer, would be uncon- 
querable. 

Doctor Moses D. Hoge, a Presbyterian minister 
of Richmond, writes as follows about his sojourn in 
Jackson's quarters at Moss Neck : 

"It seems hardly possible to be long in the so- 
ciety of that noble and honored general, that simple- 
hearted, straightforward, laborious, devoted man of 
God, without catching something of his spirit — the 
spirit of toil, of patience, of modesty, of careful 
conscientiousness, of childlike dependence on God, 
of fervent, believing prayer. While I was in camp, 
I preached five times in the Stonewall Brigade. 
How the men crowded into their log church, how 
they listened, how they seemed to haug upon the 
Word ! On Sunday night, after preaching, the 
general, Mr. Lacy and myself, had a long talk, as 
we sat drying our boots in front of the open fire. 
When it was nearly eleven o'clock, the general 
asked me to conduct worship ; and afterward, be- 
fore retiring, he set us the examx^le of kneeling 
again for secret prayer. He then shared his bed 
upon the floor with me, and we talked till long after 
midnight. Though usually taciturn, he led the con- 
versation. How anxious he was for his army, how 
anxious for himself ! How manifest it was that he 
is a man whose great desire is to be right in all 
things, and especially to be right before God. In 
our whole intercourse I could not detect the slightest 
trace of self-importance, ostentation, or seeking 



326 STONEWALL JACKSON 

after vainglory. To glorify God possessed all his 
thoughts.^' ' 

Prayers, night and morning, were regularly held 
in his quarters. In the absence of the chaplain, 
Jackson conducted these services himself. Wednes- 
day and Sunday nights were the times set apart for 
prayer-meeting in his quarters, and sometimes he 
led these devotions, also. Every Sunday afternoon 
there was singing by the members of his staff. 
Jackson listened with close attention and delight 
and again and again would call for a favorite hymn. 
^^I don't know that I ever enjoyed Sabbaths as I 
do this winter," he wrote to his wife. *^ I am much 
interested in reading Hunter's L^fe of Moses,^^ he 
said again. *^It is a delightful book, and I feel 
more improved in reading it than by an ordinary 
sermon. I am thankful to say that my Sabbaths 
are passed more in meditation than formerly." 
Thus like a great patriarch or divinely commis- 
sioned prophet, Jackson throughout the winter 
conducted a campaign for the spiritual upbuilding 
of his own men. 

Jackson's social nature was strong and tender. 
He loved the society of congenial friends. Every 
visitor to his tent found him a modest, affable, cour- 
teous gentleman, thoroughly well-bred in manner 
and ready to talk upon any subject except his own 
military plans. He was so fond of domestic life that 
he invited Jane Corbin, a child of six years, to visit 
him every afternoon. Sometimes he held her upon 

* Cooke's Jackson, p. 392. 



THE WINTEE OF 1862-1863 327 

his knee and engaged in eager conversation ; again 
he would indulge in a wild romp about the room 
with the little girl, and then send her home with 
some simple gift. One evening when no other gift 
was available, the general's eye fell upon a new mil- 
itary cap, encircled with a band of gold braid. He 
quickly tore the braid from the cap and bound it 
about the child's brow, saying, ^'This shall be your 
coronet." When her life was suddenly ended be- 
cause of a violent fever, the heart of her great 
friend was touched with the keenest grief. 

One day an English of&cer arrived at the small 
house occupied by Jackson at Moss Neck. The offi- 
cer had made the journey from the railway station 
on foot through drenching rains, and was, therefore, 
wet to the skin. He brought to Jackson handsome 
gifts from some English admirers. Of this visit, he 
writes : 



*'The general rose and greeted me warmly. I 
expected to see an old, untidy man, and was most 
agreeably surprised and pleased with his appear- 
ance. He is tall, handsome, and powerfully built, 
but thin. He has brown hair and a brown beard. 
His mouth expresses great determination. The lips 
are thin and compressed firmly together ; his eyes 
are blue and dark, with keen and searching expres- 
sion. 1 was told that his age was thirty-eight, and 
he looks forty. The general, who is indescribably 
simple and unaffected in all his ways, took off my 
wet overcoat with his own hands, made up the fire, 
brought wood for me to put my feet on to keep them 
warm while my boots were drying, and then began 
to ask me questions on various subjects. At the 



328 STONEWALL JACKSON 

diuuer hour we went out and joined the members of 
the staff. At this meal the general said grace in a 
fervent, quiet manner, which struck me very much. 
After dinner I returned to his room, and he again 
talked for a long time. The servant came in and 
took his mattress out of a cupboard and laid it on 
the floor. 

''As I rose to retire, the general said, ' Cai)tain, 
there is plenty of room on my bed ; I hope you will 
share it with me ? ^ 

' ' I thanked him very much for his courtesy, but 
said, ' Good -night,' and slept in a tent, sharing the 
blankets of one of his aides-de-camp. In the morn- 
ing at breakfast- time, I noticed that the general 
said grace before the meal with the same fervor I 
had remarked before. An hour or two afterward it 
was time for me to return to the station ; on this oc- 
casion, however, I had a horse, and I returned to 
the general's headquarters to bid him adieu. His 
little room was vacant, so I slipped in and stood be- 
fore the fire. I then noticed my greatcoat stretched 
before it on a chair. Shortly afterward, the general 
entered the room. He said : * Captain, I have been 
trying to dry your greatcoat, but I am afraid I have 
not succeeded very well.' That little act illustrates 
the man's character. With the care and responsi- 
bilities of a vast army on his shoulders, he finds 
time to do little acts of kindness and thoughtful- 
ness." 

The ranks of Jackson's corps were rapidly filled 
up, until he had under his control a compact body 
of 30,000 of the best soldiers that ever formed for 
review. They were the very flower of Southern 
manhood, many of them attracted to his standard 
by the great fame of the commander of the Second 
Corps. For Jackson now shared with Lee the love 



THE WINTER OF 1862-1863 329 

and admiration of all the people of the South, and 
of a large multitude in foreign lands. 

Many English visitors came at this time to his 
headquarters. These were all surprised to find the 
great Confederate a most delightful host, marked by 
the most delicate courtesy and ease of manner. 
Popular fancy had pictured the general as awkward 
and diffident and blunt in his bearing. These Eng- 
lishmen, without exception, found him an educated 
gentleman, possessed of an amount of information 
which was surprising in its range and accuracy. 
One English officer said : ''Of military history, 
he knew more than any other man I met in Amer- 
ica ; and he was so far from disi)laying the some- 
what grim characteristics that have been associated 
with his name, that one would have supposed his 
tastes lay in the direction of art and literature." 
Francis Lawley, special correspondent of the London 
TimeSj who had frequent conversations with the 
general, declared that Jackson's " chief delight was 
in the cathedrals of England, notably in York Min- 
ster and Westminster Abbey. He was never tired 
of talking about them, or listening to details about 
the chapels and cloisters of Oxford." Lord Wolse- 
ley, chief commander of the British army, writes as 
follows : 

' ' General Jackson had certainly very little to say 
about military operations, although he was intensely 
proud of his soldiers, and enthusiastic in his devo- 
tion to General Lee ; and it was impossible to make 
him talk of his own achievements. Nor can I say 
that his speech betrayed his intellectual powers. 



330 STONEWALL JACKSON 

But Ills manner, wliich was modesty itself, was most 
attractive. He put you at your ease at once, listen- 
ing with marked courtesy and attention to whatever 
you might say; and when the subject of conversa- 
tion was congenial, he was a most interesting com- 
panion. I quite endorse the statement as to his 
love for beautiful things. He told me that in all 
his travels he had seen nothing so beautiful as the 
lancet windows in York Minster." 

Along with these testimonials from the men who 
met Jackson in the field, we may quote the decla- 
ration of his English biographer, Colonel Hender- 
son, that the Confederate leader was endowed by 
nature not only with a strong character but also 
with a strong intellect. 

Among the officers of the Confederate army, there 
was much social intercourse, and Jackson bore his 
full share in these civilities. On Christmas Day, in 
1862, he invited General Lee and the senior officers 
of the army to dine at his quarters. The table was 
laden with turkey, oysters and other delicacies. 
Stuart was present, full of gaiety and humor, enter- 
taining the company with jests, many of them at 
Jackson's expense. Sometimes with a blush, but 
always with a quiet and merry laugh, the latter in- 
dicated his enjoyment of the frolic. The ornaments 
on the wall of Jackson's lodge furnished Stuart 
many opportunities to indulge in badinage. Pre- 
tending to believe that these had been selected by 
Jackson himself, Stuart ^'pointed," says Dabney, 
''now to the portrait of some famous race-horse, 
and now to the iDrint of some celebrated rat- terrier, 
as a queer revelation of his private tastes, indicating 



THE WINTEE OF 1862-1863 331 

a great decline iu his moral character, which would 
be a grief and disappointment to the pious old ladies 
of the South. Jackson, with a quiet smile, replied 
that perhaps he had had more to do with race-horses 
than his friends suspected. When the guests fol- 
lowed Jackson into the dining-tent, they saw in the 
center of the bountiful table a plate of butter, 
adorned by the skill of the patriotic housewife who 
had presented it. ' There, gentlemen ! ^ said Stuart 
with mock graA^ty ; ^ if that is not the crowning 
evidence of our host's sporting tastes ! He even 
has his favorite game-cock stamped on his butter ! ' 
Jackson joined in the outburst of laughter that fol- 
lowed with as much enjoyment as any one of the 
guests." ^ 

Although many of the highest officers of the army 
visited their homes during the winter, Jackson 
never left his encampment even for a few days. 
His heart, nevertheless, yearned for the North Caro- 
lina household where a daughter was born to him in 
^N'ovember, 1862. ' ' To a man of his extreme do- 
mesticity and love for children," writes his wife, 
' ' this was a crowning happiness ; and yet, with his 
great modesty and shrinking from publicity, he re- 
quested that he should not receive the announce- 
ment by telegraph, and when it came to him by 
letter, he kept the glad tidings all to himself — leav- 
ing his staff and those around him in camp to hear 
of it through others." He wrote that the child 
must be called Julia in memory of his beloved 
mother. 

* Dabney's Jackson, p. 638. 



332 STONEWALL JACKSON 

On Christmas Day he wrote to his wife as fol- 
lows: 

"Yesterday I received the baby's letter with its 
beautiful lock of hair. How I do waut to see that 
precious baby, and I do earnestly pray for peace. 
Oh ! that our country was such a Christian, God- 
fearing people as it should be. Then might we very 
speedily look for peace. . . . . It is better for 
me to remain with my command so long as the war 
continues, if our gracious Heavenly Father permits. 
The army suffers immensely by absentees. If all 
our troops, officers and men, were at their posts, we 
might, through God's blessing, expect a more speedy 
termination of the war. The temporal affairs of 
some are so deranged as to make a strong plea for 
their returning home for a short time, but our God 
has greatly blessed me and mine duriiig my absence, 
and while it would be a great comfort to see you 
and our darling little daughter and others in whom 
I take special interest, yet duty appears to require 
me to remain with my command. It is important 
that those at headquarters set an example by re- 
maining at the post of duty." 

On one occasion, when his child became ill, Jack- 
son's anxiety was intense. He at once consulted his 
medical director and sent the advice in a letter to 
his wife. As the general turned away from the doc- 
tor, his voice was quivering with agitation as he 
said, "I do wish that dear child, if it is God's will, 
to be spared to us." 

The care of a great multitude of soldiers was laid 
upon Jackson, but he bore the burden without a 
murmur. Food and clothing were to be provided ; 
officers had to be appointed and regiments filled 



THE WIKTEE OF 1862-1863 333 

with recruits ; drill must be conducted daily and 
discipline enforced. Tireless energy and inflexible 
justice marked Jackson's conduct in the adminis- 
tration of all of these affairs. 

His letters to his wife were filled with descrip- 
tions of the gifts that were sent him from every part 
of the South and from England, and with expres- 
sions of his eager desire to see both wife and child. 
As the days grew warmer he even expressed a great 
desire to begin work in his garden at home. '^ My 
health is essentially good," he wrote, '^but I do 
not think I shall be able in future to stand what I 
have already stood." 

Beyond the sphere of military and domestic mat- 
ters, however, his attention was bestowed upon all 
the governmental and economic interests of the 
people of the South. '' I feel a deep interest," he 
wrote, ^Mn seeing a Christian daily paper estab- 
lished." Such a paper, in his opinion, should have 
its printing-of&ce closed on Sunday. He urged 
Colonel Boteler to persuade the Confederate Con- 
gress to repeal the law which required the carrying 
of the mails on the Sabbath. '' I greatly desire to 
see peace, blessed peace," he wrote to another 
friend. Then, again, he wrote as follows about his 
friends in Winchester : ^' I feel deeply when I see 
the patriotic people of that region again under the 
heel of a hateful military despotism. There are all 
the homes of those who have been with me from the 
commencement of the war in Virginia ; who have 
repeatedly left their families and homes in the hands 
of the enemy and braved the dangers of battle and 



334 STONEWALL JACKSON 

disease ; and there are those who have so devotedly 
labored for the relief of our suftering sick and 
wounded." The movements of the armies operat- 
ing in the Mississippi Valley received his closest 
attention and he kept in mind the entire situation, 
military and political, of the Southern Confederacy. 
Jackson's *^ strong brain," says Colonel Hender- 
son, ^^ was incessantly occupied in forecasting the 
emergencies that might occur." And yet he did not 
fear the superior numbers of the Northern armies 
and he never for a moment despaired of the final 
success of the South. ^ ^ We must make this cam- 
paign," he said, as spring approached, ''an exceed- 
ingly active one. Only thus can a weaker country 
cope with a stronger ; it must make up in activity 
what it lacks in strength. A defensive campaign 
can only be made successful by taking the aggres- 
sive at the proper time. Napoleon never waited for 
his adversary to become fully prepared, but struck 
him the first blow." * 

Soon after the middle of March, 1863, Jackson 
left Moss Neck and established his headquarters in 
a tent near Hamilton's Crossing, not far from Fred- 
ericksburg. "It is rather a relief," he said, "to 
get where there will be less comfort than in a room, 
as I hope thereby persons will be prevented from 
encroaching so much upon my time." 

In April he sent for his wife and child and then 

he was eagerness until they could come. One of his 

letters ran thus : "Last night I dreamed that my 

little wife and I were on opposite sides of a room, 

^ Dabney's Jackson, p. 660. 



THE WINTER OF 1862-1863 ' 

in the center of which was a table, and the li. 
baby started from her mother, making her way 
along under the table, and finally reached her father. 
And what do you think she did when she arrived at 
her destination % She just climbed up on her father 
and kissed him. And don't you think he was a 
happy man?'' Then he added, ^'That her little 
chubby hands have lost their resemblance to mine 
is not regretted by me." ^ 

At noon on Monday, April 20th, Mrs. Jackson 
and little Julia arrived at Guiuey's Station. As 
Jackson entered the railway car his overcoat was 
dripping from the rain, '' but his face, " writes his 
wife, " was all sunshine and gladness." The child, 
*' catching his eager look of supreme interest in her, 
beamed her brightest and sweetest smiles upon him 
in return, so it seemed to be a mutual fascination." 
A comfortable room was secured at Mr. Yerby's 
plantation and there, after the military duties of 
each day had received attention, the general spent 
his leisure time. He was frequently told that Julia 
resembled him, but he would always reply, " No, 
she is too pretty to look like me." When she went 
to sleep, ''he would often kneel over her cradle," 
says Mrs. Jackson, '' and gaze upon her little face 
with the most rapt admiration." The father's de- 
votion to his child attracted the attention of all who 
saw them together, ' ' for she soon learned to delight 
in his caresses as much as he loved to play with 
her." "^ 



* Life of Jackson, by his wife, p. 421. 
^Idem, p. 423. 



STONEWALL JACKSON 

.liarly on the morning of April 27th a courier 
aroused the general with the news that the Federal 
forces were crossing the river below Fredericksburg. 
Jackson gave orders to his aides to place his wife and 
child upon the train, in order that they might return 
immediately to Eichmond. Then, with a few tender 
words of farewell, and without waiting for break- 
fast, he mounted his horse and rode to the front. 
The guns began to roar, the crash of musketry fol- 
lowed, and the train moved southward, bearing the 
objects of Jackson's affection. The fire of battle 
was kindled again in the general's face, however, 
and he ordered his brigades to prepare for the 
struggle with Hooker's army. 



CHAPTER XXIII 

CHANCELLOESVILLE 

A Federal force of about 134,000 men and 428 
guns was assembled under Hooker's command at 
Fredericksbui'g in April, 1863. With this vast body 
of soldiers, so well equipped that Hooker himself 
called it " the finest army on the planet," the Fed- 
eral authorities expected to overwhelm Lee's army 
and capture Richmond. 

To meet this host of invaders, Lee had a force of 
about 62,000 men and 170 guns. During the winter 
D. H. Hill had been sent to direct the Confederate de- 
fences near Wilmington, N. C, and Ransom's divi- 
sion of Longstreet's corps was detached to support 
Hill. Then, two more of Longstreet's divisions, those 
of Hood and Pickett, were sent into the southeast por- 
tion of Virginia to obtain forage. Contrary to Lee's 
wishes, the Confederate authorities at Richmond 
permitted Lougstreet to undertake an expedition 
against Suffolk. This movement was fruitless of 
fortunate results. Moreover, at the opening of the 
spring campaign, when Lee was in sore need of 
every available Confederate bayonet, two of his 
veteran divisions were at the distance of 120 miles 
from Fredericksburg. The Confederate army con- 
sisted, therefore, of the divisions of Anderson and 
McLaws of the First Corps ; the divisions of A. P. 



STONEWALL JACKSON 

..ill, Eodes (D. H. HilFs), Colston (Taliaferro^ s), 
and Early, of Jackson's corps ; and Stuart's division 
of cavalry. Some of Lee's horsemen were absent 
and Stuart had under his orders only about 2,400 
sabres. 

The plan of campaign agreed upon by Lee and 
Jackson was to cross the Potomac and carry the 
war into Pennsylvania. Between January and 
April, 1863, Major Hotchkiss, chief engineer of the 
Second Corps, in obedience to Jackson's order, pre- 
pared an elaborate map of the country between 
Winchester and the Susquehanna Eiver. This map 
was used afterward by Lee during the Gettysburg 
campaign. In the latter part of April, however, 
before the Confederates were ready to advance 
northward, Hooker put his army in motion and the 
Southerners had to stand on the defensive. 

Hooker divided his forces into three separate 
bodies. Stoueman with 10,000 Federal horsemen 
was ordered to cross the upi)er Kappahannock and 
move through Culpeper to cut the railroads that 
supplied Lee's army. The right wing of the Fed- 
eral army, consisting of four corps, led by Hooker 
himself, was to march up the Eappahanuock to 
Kelly's Ford, to push thence across the Eapidan by 
Germanna Ford and Ely Ford and concentrate at 
Chancellors ville in Lee's rear. At the same time 
the Federal left wing under Sedgwick was expected 
to cross the river below Fredericksburg and by a 
display of strength hold the Confederates in their 
intrenchments until Hooker could overwhelm them 
from behind. 



CHANCELLOESVILLE 339 

The Federal movement began on April 27th. 
Two days later, on the morning of the 29th, under 
cover of a thick fog, Sedgwick's troops started to 
march over the pontoon bridges near the mouth of 
Deep Eun, at the point where Franklin had crossed 
in December. His skirmishers were soon in contact 
with Jackson's pickets on the south bank of the 
river. Jackson at once sent a courier to carry the 
news to the commander-in-chief and Lee sent back 
this message: "Tell your good general he knows 
what to do with the enemy just as well as I do." 
Near the close of the day a courier from Stuart 
brought the information that Federal troops, march- 
ing in two columns, had crossed the Eapidan. An- 
derson's division was sent at once to Chancellors- 
ville to meet this hostile force ; but, on the morning 
of April 30th, Lee received the more definite intel- 
ligence that a very large force, consisting of at least 
three Federal corps, was approaching Chancellors- 
ville and that Anderson was retiring before them 
toward Fredericksburg. 

Wlien some member of the staff expressed a fear 
that the Confederate army would be forced to re- 
treat, Jackson replied in sharp tones, "Who said 
that ? No, sir ; we shall not fall back, we shall at- 
tack them." ^ At first, he was inclined to assail 
Sedgwick's forces in the plain below Fredericks- 
burg. Lee was not in favor of this, but expressed 
his readiness to give orders for making the attack if 
Jackson thought it would be wise. When the latter 
saw Sedgwick's intrenchments and heard more defi- 
^ Dabney's Jaclson, p. 665. 



340 STONEWALL JACKSON 

nitely about the approach of heavy Federal forces 
toward the Confederate flank and rear, he gave up 
the idea of delivering an assault near the river. The 
two Confederate leaders then decided that 10,000 
men should remain under Early to hold the heights 
on the south bank of the Eappahannock against 
Sedgwick's advance ; all of the rest of the Confeder- 
ate divisions were ordered to move under Jackson's 
command toward Chancellorsville in search of 
Hooker's right wing. 

McLaws marched to Tabernacle Church to sup- 
port Anderson in making opposition to Hooker's 
advanced-guard. Jackson spent a j^art of the 30th 
in breaking up his encampment, for he was still 
awaiting orders from Lee with reference to the par- 
ticular route he was to follow. ' ^ The oi^ening of 
the campaign," says Dabney, " had metamorphosed 
the whole man. Those who had seen him in his 
winter- quarters, toiling with a patient smile over 
his heaps of official papers ; who had received his 
gentle and almost feminine kindness there ; who had 
only beheld him among his chaplains or at public 
worship, the deferential and tender Christian, had 
been tempted to wonder whether this were indeed 
a thunderbolt of war, and whether so meek a spirit 
as his would be capable of directing its terrors. But 
when they met him on this morning, all such 
doubts fled before his first glance. His step was 
quick and firm, his whole stature unconsciously 
erect and elate with genius and majesty, while all- 
comprehending thought, decision, and unconquer- 
able will, burned in his eye. His mind seemed, 



/ 



CHAIsTCELLOESYILLE 341 

with equal rapidity and clearness, to remember 
everything and to judge everything. In a firm and 
decisive tone, he issued his rajpid orders to every 
branch of his service, overlooking nothing which 
could possibly affect the efficiency of his corps.'' ^ 

Near the close of the day, while the soldiers were 
busy in the work of breaking camp and removing 
baggage, Jackson rode up for the last time to his 
own quarters. Throwing the rein of his horse to 
his servant, he entered his tent. A moment later, 
Jim raised his hand with a warning gesture. 
''Hush!" he said, "the general is praying." 
Those standing near remained silent for a quarter 
of an hour. At the end of that time they saw Jaek- 
son come forth from behind the curtain. His 
face was glowiug with the light that indicated firm 
resolve and strong confidence. His orders came 
from a brain that was working, to use the words of 
General John B. Gordon, "with the precision of 
the most perfect machinery." In both mind and 
spirit, Jackson was armed for the conflict. At 
midnight, by the light of the moon, his brigades 
withdrew in silence from the trenches in front of 
Sedgwick and marched along the forest roads to- 
ward Chancellorsville. 

On the morning of May 1st, the Federal right 
wing, consisting of 70,000 soldiers, was assembled 
under Hooker at Chancellorsville. Stoneman's 
cavahy had marched to the vicinity of Gordonsville 
and was ready to begin the work of destroying the 
Virginia Central Eailway. The Federal left wing, 
* Dabney's Jackson, p. 666. 



342 STONEWALL JACKSON 

40,000 strong, was intrenched on the south bank of 
the Eappahannock, only eleven miles from Hooker^ s 
headquarters. Another detachment was at Fal- 
mouth. The Federal movements had been con- 
ducted thus far with great energy and Hooker was 
exultant over the apparent success of his strategy. 
"Certain destruction," he said, awaited the Confed- 
erates if they should stand and fight him. At 11 
A. M., therefore, on the 1st, he began to advance in 
three columns through the wilderness toward Fred- 
ericksburg, proposing to crush Lee's forces between 
the divided wiugs of the Federal army. 

At 8 A. M. that same morning the head of Jack- 
son's column, marching westward from Fredericks- 
burg, arrived at Tabernacle Church, where the men 
of Anderson's division were drawn up in line 
of battle behind intrenchments. The Confederate 
leaders now had full knowledge of Hooker's move- 
ments ; for Stuart, leaving two regiments of horse- 
men to watch Stoneman, had fought his way from 
the Eapidan around the Federal forces and brought 
to Lee full intelligence concerning the enemy's 
position. 

Jackson was ordered to assume complete control 
of the movement against Hooker, while Lee re- 
mained for the time with Early. Jackson im- 
mediately told Anderson to stop the work of in- 
trenching and ordered an advance of the entire 
army of about 45,000 men, along two roads to- 
ward Chancellorsville. Anderson's division led the 
way ; behind him marched McLaws, on the pike, 
and Jackson's three divisions by the Plank Eoad. 



CHAl!^CELLOESVILLE 343 

A line of skirmishers moved steadily forward 
through the dense woods, with a number of field- 
guns advancing abreast of them along the high- 
ways. The Confederate cavalry rode on the left 
flank. Jackson rode in front with his advanced 
line and urged the men to their work. They 
struck Hooker's columns while the latter were 
entangled in the thickets. Hooker lost his nerve, 
for Jackson's vigorous onset led him to believe that 
the whole Confederate army was about to deliver an 
attack in the wilderness. The Federal commander, 
therefore, ordered all his columns to fall back to 
Chancellorsville and take post behind the strong in- 
trenchments already constructed. The Confederates 
slowly followed through the tangled undergrowth. 

About 5 p. M. Jackson's skirmishers, pouring in 
their rifle fire, drew a heavy reply from Federal ar- 
tillery located in the timber near the Chancellor 
House. Jackson called Stuart to his side and rode 
to the front. Entering a bridle-path, they turned 
aside from the Plank Eoad and ascended a slight ele- 
vation, followed by a battery of horse- artillery. 
One of the guns sent a shot crashing among the 
trees, when two Federal batteries, concealed in the 
woods, suddenly opened upon them at short range 
with grape and canister. A number of men and 
horses- were struck, and Jackson and Stuart escaped 
as if by miracle. Then a regiment of South Caro- 
linians, Orr's rifles, of Gregg's old brigade, moved 
forward through the tangled undergrowth to the 
crest of a low ridge. Captain A. C. Haskell, in 
command of the regiment, halted his line on the 



344 STONEWALL JACKSON 

ridge and Jackson, again riding to the front, found 
him there. Haskell pointed, at the distance of less 
than half a mile, to the Federal breastworks in 
front of the Chancellorsville mansion. Jackson at 
once ordered the regiment to hold its place until 
Hill's division could advance and occupy the front. 
It was near sunset, and Jackson, leaning over his 
horse's neck, and speaking in low tones, gave his 
last directions for the posting of sentinels. ''Let 
the challenge," he said to Haskell,^ " be ' Liberty,' 
and the reply, ' Independence.' " 

Lee now reached the field from Early's posi- 
tion in front of Sedgwick. He reported Sedgwick's 
men as resting quietly behind their iutrenchments 
on the river jDlain at Fredericksburg. The two 
Confederate leaders sat down under some pine- 
trees in the angle between the Plank Eoad and 
the Catherine Furnace Eoad. They could see, in 
the twilight. Hooker's line of defence. It was evi- 
dent that an attack in front against the Federal 
center was not to be considered. Hooker's position 
must be turned from either the right or the left. 
Jackson had already ordered Stuart's horsemen 
to continue the advance on the Confederate left. 
Captains Boswell and Talcot, therefore, were sent 
through the woods toward the Confederate right to 
make a reconnaissance. The light from the full 
moon revealed the Federal forces in position as far 
as the Eappahannock. The report of these scouts, 
made to the generals at 10 p. M. , closed the discus- 
sion with reference to an attack from the right. 

* Communicated to the author by Colonel A. C. Haskell. 



CHAN^CELLOESVILLE 345 

The Federal intrenchments were too strong to invite 
a movement from that direction. About that time 
important news was brought by Stuart, whom Jack- 
son had sent forward on his left. Fitzhugh Lee of 
Stuart^s division, riding beyond the Catherine Fur- 
nace, had discovered that the Federal right wing was 
extended westward along the Plank Eoad and that 
its flank was in the air, with every breastwork facing 
south. To turn that flank was now the only line of 
attack open to the Confederates. 

The idea of making this movement doubtless 
formulated itself at the same moment in the minds 
of both Lee and Jackson. No other course of 
action was possible under the circumstances. What 
part of the army, however, waste make the circuit? 
Who was to lead the flank movement ? When this 
question came up for discussion, the commander- 
in-chief spoke without hesitation. ^^ General," he 
said to Jackson, '' we must get ready to attack the 
enemy if we should find him here to-morrow, and 
you must make all arrangements to move around 
his right flank." "You know best," was Jack- 
son's modest reply. ^ 

Orders were at once sent to McLaws to throw u^ 
fortifications along his front across the turnpike. 
Then Lee and Jackson lay down upon the ground 
beneath the pine-trees ; a saddle formed a resting- 
place for the head. Jackson himself was without 
cover and after an hour or two was awakened by 
the cold. He arose, kindled a small fire, and, long 

' Colonel Talcot's statement in Richmond Dispatch, Also, 
statement by Colonel Charles Marshall. 



346 STONEWALL JACKSON 

before dawn, gave his mind to the consideration of 
his great march. 

It was a desperate enterprise. To attempt it and 
to fail meant the destruction of the army. Hooker 
was in a strong position. Meade's corps occupied 
his left, resting on the Eappahaunock ; Couch's 
corps held the turnpike ; Slocum's corps formed 
the center of the line at Chancel lorsville. The 
corps of Sickles held Hazel Grove, a bare plateau to 
the south ; Howard's corps extended the line to the 
right, with its breastworks on the Orange Plank 
Eoad. Moreover, the corps of Eeynolds was advanc- 
ing up the Eapi)ahannock to join Hooker. In the 
presence of these formidable forces Lee had already 
divided his army, leaving Early to withstand Sedg- 
wick. To divide again would be extremely hazard- 
ous. Fortunately, however, the field telegraph 
established by Hooker had broken down and there 
was no communication possible between the two 
wings of the Federal army. All of these facts in 
minute detail were, of course, not within the range 
of Jackson's knowledge. He grasped the essential 
facts, however, that Sedgwick's men were still quiet 
behind their intrenchments at Fredericksburg and 
that Hooker was awaiting an attack in the wilder- 
ness. 

The stars were still shining, when Jackson aroused 
Major Hotchkiss and B. T. Lacy, his chaplain, 
and sent them to the Catherine Furnace to ask 
about a roadway leading westward toward the Wil- 
derness Tavern. Hotchkiss soon brought the infor- 
mation that a private road had been opened through 



CHANCELLOESVILLE 347 

the woods for the purpose of hauling wood and ore. 
He spread a map before the two generals, Lee and 
Jackson, who were now seated together under the 
pines, and pointed out the location of the roads 
leading toward Hooker's right. Lee then asked 
Jackson how he expected to make the proposed cir- 
cuit. ^* Go around here," said Jackson, moving his 
finger over the road located on the map by Hotch- 
kiss. Lee then asked him, further, how many 
troops he wished to take with him. ** My whole 
corps," replied Jackson, adding that Anderson and 
McLaws could maintain themselves in Hooker's 
front. After a moment, Lee said to him, ^' Well, go 
on," and Jackson's couriers at once galloped away 
to set his column in motion.^ 

The sun was already shining through the tree- 
tops as the Second Corps began to move toward the 
Catherine Furnace. D. H. Hill's old division, led 
by Eodes, was in front ; Colston came next and 
A. P. Hill brought up the rear. Alexander's bat- 
talion of artillery, of Lougstreet's corps, marched 
with the column. Lee stood by the roadside and 
watched the regiments as they passed. Jackson, 
on horseback, paused a moment in front of the com- 
mander-in-chief and exchanged with him the last 
words that ever passed between them. Jackson 
rode on, pointing toward the head of his column. 
^'His face," says an eye-witness, ^'was a little 
flushed, as it was turned to General Lee, who 
nodded approval of what he said." 

^ Statement by Major Hotchkiss, quoted in Henderson's Jack' 
aoHj Vol. II, p. 432. 



348 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Jackson's three divisions of infantry formed an 
army of about 26,000 men. The column was ten 
miles in length. Fitzhugh Lee rode in front with a 
regiment of cavalry and ten squadrons rode on the 
flank to screen the movement. At the Furnace, 
Sickles made an attack against the marching Con- 
federates but Hill faced two of his brigades to the 
rear and drove the Federal troops back. Jackson 
himself gave no heed to Sickles but urged his men 
forward. The heat and the dust were oppressive, 
but the Confederate vsoldiers marched with spirit, 
for they intuitively guessed that their great leader 
was planning some swift and decisive blow against 
Hooker. ''Tell * Old Jack ' we're all a-comiu'," 
they shouted to every passing courier ; ''don't let 
him begin the fuss till we get there ! " Alexander 
tells us that during the day there were only three 
resting periods of about twenty minutes each.^ 

News of the Confederate march across the Federal 
front was carried to Howard and Hooker several 
times, but they supposed that the Confederate army 
was in flight southward and took no precautions 
against an attack on their flank. 

At 2 p. M. Jackson at the head of his column 
reached the Plank Eoad. He expected to turn east- 
ward at that point against the Federal flank. Fitz- 
hugh Lee, however, led him to the summit of a hill 
and pointed out the Federal breastworks along the 
old turnpike west of Dowdall's Tavern. There was 
a brilliant light in Jackson's eyes as he gazed upon 
Howard's corps resting at ease, with arms stacked. 
* Memoirs of a Confederate, p. 330. 



CHANCELLOESVILLE 349 

''Tell General Eodes,'' he said suddenly to a 
courier, ' ' to move across the Plank Road and halt 
when he gets to the old turnj)ike." The cavalry 
and the Stonewall Brigade took position on the 
Plank Road to screen the other troops. When Rodes 
reached the turnpike, he moved about a mile east- 
ward and then formed in line of battle. 

A little before 6 p. m., the sun being then about 
one hour high, Jackson's men were ready and eager 
to advance. Through the forest, extending a mile 
on each side of the turnpike, his lines were drawn 
out. Rodes' division, with skirmishers in front, 
formed the first line ; Colston's division was the 
second ; and A. P. Hill, partly in line and partly in 
column, made the third. Four guns of the horse- 
artillery were in the roadway. Jackson sat on 
''Little Sorrel " in the turnpike, watch in hand, his 
slouched hat drawn down over his eyes and his lips 
firmly shut. On his right was the leader of the ad- 
vanced line. "Are you ready. General Rodes?" 
"Yes, sir," replied the gallant Alabamian. " You 
can go forward, sir, ' ' said Jackson. Rodes gave a 
nod to Blackford, commander of the skirmish line. 
A bugle rang out its call, and back again from the 
forest on either hand came the notes of other bugles 
in response. The skirmishers dashed forward 
through the undergrowth ; the cannon galloped up 
the road and opened fire ; the lines of battle made a 
rush, sending their wild rebel yell across woodland 
and field. They fell like a thunderbolt upon How- 
ard's corps. The Federal soldiers were smoking, 
playing cards, and making preparations for supper. 



350 STONEWALL JACKSON 

The CoDfederates at once threw them into a state of 
panic. Within ten minutes the first Federal brig- 
ade was in wild flight. Fifteen minutes later, 
Jackson's men swept over the hill at Talley's Farm, 
driving Schurz's division before them. At 7 p. m., 
the regiments of Eodes and Colston, now forming 
one line, forced the rest of Howard's men to flee 
from the ridge at Dowdall's Tavern and drove the 
entire Federal corx3S in wild confusion toward 
Chancellorsville. 

At Dowdall's, Jackson was within a mile and a 
half of Hooker's headquarters ; the roadway in his 
front was filled with a mass of fugitives, remnants 
of the 10,000 Federal troops who had been defeated. 
A heavy forest, however, lay on each side of the 
turnpike, and Jackson's two advanced lines, now 
mingled together as one, made slower progress. 
One brigade on the right had turned southward be- 
cause its leader thought that a Federal force was 
about to assail his flank. Jackson galloped forward 
among his men, urging them with voice and gesture 
to press through the woods. His face was glowing 
with the fierce light of battle. With an intense 
eagerness he strained every nerve to seize the White 
House or Bullock road, leading to the United States 
Ford in Hooker's rear. His plan was to cut off 
Hooker's entire army from making a retreat across 
that ford. 

As night fell and the moon began to throw her 
light upon the scene, the line of battle halted at the 
distance of less than a mile from Chancellorsville. 
A part of the enemy's intrenchment was seized, but 



CHANCELLOESVILLE 351 

no Federal troops were in sight. Jackson ordered 
A. P. Hill to move his division to the front to re- 
lieve Eodes and Colston, whose divisions had been 
thrown into disorder. Just as Hill was moving into 
position, Crutchfield ran up three of his guns 
and opened fire upon Chancellorsville. The enemy 
were aroused and replied fiercely with shells and 
canister. Jackson rode forward as far as the new line 
and said to General Lane, in command of one of HilFs 
brigades, *' Push right ahead. Lane; right ahead. '^ 
Then to the commander of the division he said, ' ^ Press 
them ; cut them off from the United States Ford, 
Hill ; press them. ' ' Jackson then moved through the 
ranks of Lane's brigade and rode to the front along 
the Mountain Eoad, iDarallel to the Plank Eoad. Just 
behind the Confederate skirmish line, he halted and 
] istened to the sounds made by the arrival of fresh Fed- 
eral troops in front. As he turned back toward his 
own line of battle, an officer said, ''General, you 
should not expose yourself so much. " " There is no 
danger, sir ; the enemy is routed," he replied. '' Go 
back and tell General Hill to press on." 

Then firing began along the front between the 
skirmishers on both sides and as Jackson drew near 
the line of battle in the dim moonlight, for it was 
about 9 p. M., the Eighteenth North Carolina fired 
a volley among the general's party. Several men 
and horses were shot down. Three balls struck 
Jackson himself, one in the right hand and two in 
the left arm, cutting the main artery and crushing 
the bone near the shoulder. The general's horse 
dashed madly through the woods and his face was 



352 STONEWALL JACKSON 

brought with violent force against an overhanging 
bough. Staff-of&cers caught the horse and lifted 
Jackson to the ground. ''General, are you much 
hurt?" said Hill as he came u^). '' I think I am,'^ 
he replied, '' and all my wounds are from my own 
men. I believe my left arm is broken." Supported 
by his aides, Jackson started to walk, but the loss of 
blood had made him weak. When he entered the 
Plank Eoad the Federal batteries opened a fearful 
fire along the highway and the aides made him lie 
down by the roadside. He started again and met 
Pender, who expressed great sorrow about Jackson's 
injury and then said that it might be necessary to 
fall back. Jackson raised himself to his full height 
and answered feebly but distinctly, '' You must hold 
your ground. General Pender ; you must hold out 
to the last, sir." 

A litter was brought and Jackson was placed upon 
it. One of the bearers, struck by a shot, let the lit- 
ter fall and Jackson came violently to the ground 
upon his wounded side. The agony was so great 
that for the first time he was heard to groan. '' I 
am badly injured, doctor ; I fear I am dying," he 
said to McGuir.e who arrived a little later. Stimu- 
lants were administered and the wounded general 
was borne in an ambulance to the hospital. Two 
hours after midnight, when the proper reaction had 
taken place, chloroform was administered and his 
arm was amputated two inches below the shoulder. 
At half-past three his adjutant. Major Pendleton, 
arrived and told him that Stuart was in command 
of the Second Corps and desired to know his wishes. 



CHANCELLOESVILLE 353 

For a moment, his eye flashed with its old fire, and 
he asked questions in his usual rapid manner. His 
strength was not sufficient for the task, however, 
and he said in a feeble tone, ''I don't know — I 
can't tell ; say to General Stuart he must do what he 
thinks best." Then at dawn on Sunday morning, 
when the roar of the Confederate guns began again 
to roll through field and forest, Jackson fell into 
a quiet slumber. 

During the progress of Jackson's flank march, the 
six brigades under McLaws and Anderson had kept 
up an active skirmish with rifle and artillery fire. 
Hooker's left was thus held in position. Through 
the night two couriers made a wide circuit to tell 
Lee that Jackson was injured, that Hill also had 
been wounded and that the latter had asked Stuart 
to take command of Jackson's corps. The com- 
mander-in-chief was deeply moved by the news con- 
cerning his great lieutenant and sent word to Stuart 
to attack Hooker's center at Chancellorsville. That 
gallant leader anticipated the order by arranging 
the divisions of Hill, Colston and Eodes in line. 
Moreover, he placed thirty guns in position on the 
hill at Hazel Grove and in the early morning these 
began to pour a terrific enfilade fire along the Fed- 
eral intrenchments. With fierce energy the veter- 
ans of the Second Corps dashed forward to seize the 
Federal ramparts. ''Eemember Jackson!" they 
shouted as they charged. McLaws and Anderson 
delivered a bold attack on the Confederate right. 
After a desperate struggle, Chancellorsville was 
captured, Lee's two wings were joined together and 



354 STONEWALL JACKSON 

Hooker was forced behind a second line of fortifica- 
tions near the Eappahannock. At noonday, on 
this same Sunday, Sedgwick drove back Early's 
force from Marye's Hill and advanced against Lee's 
rear. The latter turned to meet Sedgwick and drove 
him across the river. On the night of the 5th 
Hooker also fled to the north bank of the Eappa- 
hannock. His campaign ended in failure and de- 
feat with a loss of more than 17,000 men. The Con- 
federate losses were over 12,000. 

Near the close of the fierce battle, on Sunday, 
May 3d, the commander-in-chief sent to Jackson 
the following : 

''General: — 

' ' I have just received your note, informing me 
that you were wounded. I cannot express my re- 
gret at the occurrence. Could I have directed 
events, I should have chosen for the good of the 
country to be disabled in your stead. 

''I congratulate you upon the victory, which is 
due to your skill and energy." ' 

1 Dabney's Jackson, p. 702. 



CHAPTEE XXIV 

DEATH OF JACKSON 

When Jackson opened his eyes, after a long, 
quiet slumber, on Sunday morning, May 3d, the 
battle around Chancellorsville was at its height. 
The roar of the heavy guns came to his ears as he 
lay in the hospital tent near AYilderness Tavern. 
The sound, however, did not make him restless, nor 
did his pulse seem to quicken. He was free from 
pain and expressed himself as sanguine of recovery. 
His faith was like that of a little child and he laid 
all his cares ujdou his God. He was full of interest, 
of course, to hear news from the field of conflict, but 
he indicated no feeling of doubt concerning the re- 
sult. He felt confident that his men would win the 
victory. 

Food was given him and this seemed to renew his 
strength. His first thought was to send a messen- 
ger to Eichmond to bring his wife. He also dic- 
tated a brief note to General Lee, telling him of his 
wounds and that he had demitted his command to 
the officer next in rank, General A. P. Hill. The 
staff-officers were sent to join their comrades of the 
Second Corps, and then Jackson called his chap- 
lain, Beverley T. Lacy, to come and sit near him. 
' ' You see me, ' ' said the general, ' ' severely wounded, 
but not depressed ; not unhappy. I believe that it 



356 STONEWALL JACKSON 

has been done according to God's holy will, and I 
acquiesce entirely in it. You may think it strange, 
but you never saw me more j)erfectly contented than 
I am to-day ; for I am sure that my Heavenly Father 
designs this affliction for my good. I am perfectly 
satisfied, that either in this life, or in that which is 
to come, I shall discover that what is now regarded 
as a calamity is a blessing. I can wait until God, 
in His own time, shall make known to me the ob- 
ject He has in thus afflicting me. If it were in my 
power to replace my arm, I would not dare to do it; 
unless I could know it was the will of my Heavenly 
Faiher." ' 

"It has been a precious experience to me,'^ he 
said further, ' ' that I was brought face to face with 
death and found that all was well. I then learned 
that one who has been the subject of converting 
grace and is the child of God can, in the midst of 
the severest sufferings, fix the thoughts upon God 
and heavenly things, and derive great comfort and 
peace. "^ 

A little before noon he was told about the Con- 
federate victory and the retreat of Hooker. When 
he heard of the charge made that morning by the 
Stonewall Brigade, he said : " It was just like them 
to do so, just like them. The men of that brigade 
will, some day, be proud to say to their children, 
' I was one of the Stonewall Brigade.' They are a 
noble body of men." With reference to the name 
''Stonewall," he disclaimed any title to .it. ''It 
belongs to the brigade," he declared, " and not to 

» Dabney's Jackson, p. 707. ^ j^gm, p. 708. 



DEATH OF JACKSON 357 

me ; for it was their steadfast heroism which earned 
it at First Manassas." When the news came that 
the commander of that brigade, the gallant Paxton, 
had fallen in the battle, he turned his face to the 
wall and remained quiet, striving to suppress his 
emotion. 

Soon afterward, he received from Lee the note 
mentioned at the close of our last chapter, ascribing 
the great victory to Jackson. *' General Lee is very 
kind," said the wounded man, ''but he should give 
the glory to God. ' ' Then he spoke more in detail 
about his flank march and said : '' Our movement 
yesterday was a great success ; I think, the most 
successful military movement of my life. But I ex- 
pect to receive far more credit for it than I deserve. 
Most men will think that I had planned it all from 
the first ; but it was not so. I simply took advan- 
tage of circumstances as they were presented to me 
in the providence of God. I feel that His hand led 
me — let us give Him all the glory." ^ During the 
day Jackson spoke of a severe pain in his side. 
When night came on, however, the pain ceased and 
he slept well until daylight. 

On Tuesday morning, May 5th, Jackson was 
placed in an ambulance and driven toward Guiney's 
Station. This was done in obedience to the order 
of General Lee, who feared that the Federal cavalry 
might capture the hospital. Jackson preferred to 
remain in his tent. " If the enemy does come," he 
said, ''I am not afraid of them. I have always 
been kind to their wounded, and I am sure they will 
* Dabney's JacArsow, p. 710. 



358 STONEWALL JACK80N 

be kind to me.'' Lee, however, was anxious about 
Jackson's safety and said that he must be moved. 
The journey was twenty -five miles in length and a 
part of the road was rough, but the general bore it 
well. 

He spoke freely concerning the recent battle and 
said that it was his purpose to cut off Hooker's army 
from the United States Ford ; he expected to take 
up a position between the Federal troops and the 
river and thus force them to attack the Confeder- 
ates. *' My men," he added with a smile, *^ some- 
times fail to drive the enemy from their position, 
but they always fail to drive us. ' ' When some one 
asked for his opinion concerning Hooker's plan of 
campaign, he replied : ^' It was in the main a good 
conception, an excellent plan. But he should not 
have sent away his cavalry j that was his great 
blunder. It was that which enabled me to turn 
him without his being aware of it, and to take him 
in the rear. Had he kept his cavalry with him, his 
plan would have been a very good one." 

Jackson spoke also of the gallant conduct of Gen- 
eral Eodes in making the flank attack and said that 
he should be promoted at once upon the field. 
Willis and Paxton and Boswell, officers who had 
fallen, were referred to in terms of the highest ap- 
preciation. 

The heat was somewhat oppressive during the 
journey in the ambulance and Jackson suffered 
slight nausea. At his suggestion, Doctor McGuire 
placed a wet towel over the stomach and great re- 
lief came at once. At the end of the day he arrived 



DEATH OF JACKSON 359 

at Guiney's Station and was placed in a small house 
near the railroad. He slept well throughout the 
night. 

On Wednesday, May 6th, the general was sup- 
posed to be doing remarkably well. His appetite 
was good and he was uniformly cheerful. ' ' He 
expressed great satisfaction,'^ writes McGuire, 
' ' when told that his wounds were healing, and 
asked if I could tell from their apj)earance how long 
he would probably be kept from the field.'' 

^^ Give him my affectionate regards," said Lee to 
an aide who was riding to Jackson's tent; "tell 
him to make haste and get well, and come back to 
me as soon as he can. He has lost his left arm, but 
I have lost my right." In a letter, Lee wrote con- 
cerning Jackson's wound : "Any victory would be 
dear at such a price. I know not how to replace him. ' ' 

At an early hour on Thursday morning, however, 
nausea began again to trouble the general, and he 
ordered Jim, his servant, to ai)ply a wet towel. 
McGuire was snatching a little sleep at the time, as 
he had been awake for nearly three nights, and 
Jackson would not allow the servant to disturb 
him. When the doctor awoke at daylight he found 
Jackson suffering great pain from pleuro-pneu- 
monia of the right side. All of the physicians 
present concurred in the opinion that the malady 
was due to the fall from the litter on the night when 
he was wounded. "I think the disease," writes 
McGuire, "came on too soon after the application 
of the wet cloths to admit of the supposition, once 
believed, that it was induced by them," 



360 STOI^EWALL JACKSON 

On Thursday afternoon Jackson's wife and child 
arrived at his bedside. They had been delayed, 
owing to the fact that raiding parties of Federal 
cavalry kept the railway trains from making their 
usual trips from Eichmond. With the keenest 
anguish the devoted wife looked upon the change 
in the appearance of her husband. The pneu- 
monia was rapidly bringing a flush to his cheeks ; 
his breathing was difficult. He expressed great joy 
and thankfulness at seeing her, but soon sank into 
a half-conscious condition. " My darling," he said 
once, '^you must cheer up, and not wear a long 
face. I love cheerfulness and brightness in a sick- 
room." With a supreme effort the noble, Christian 
woman responded to this ax3peal. Throughout the 
long hours of sore trial, although her heart was 
breaking, she bestowed upon him the wisest and 
most loving ministrations. 

Fever and restlessness increased and the gener- 
al's strength waned perceptibly. On Saturday af- 
ternoon his wife proposed to read to him some 
selections from the Psalms. At first he said that he 
was suffering too much to listen ; soon afterward, 
however, he added, ^'Yes, we must never refuse 
that. Get the Bible and read them." Then he 
asked for the singing of some hymns. Assisted by 
her brother. Lieutenant Joseph Morrison, Mrs. 
Jackson sang some of his favorite verses, conclud- 
ing at his request with the Fifty-first Psalm. 

I^ear the close of the day, Jackson called for Mr. 
Lacy and inquired about the progress of the plans 
that had been made for the proper observance of 



DEATH OF JACKSON 361 

the Sabbath among the soldiers. He then asked 
the chaplain to conduct religious services and 
preach a sermon the next day, according to their 
previous custom, at his headquarters. 

On Sunday morning, May 10, 1863, a great com- 
pany of soldiers assembled at the quarters of the 
staff of the Second Corps to take part in public 
worship. Lee, with many of his leading ofl^cers, 
was there. The commander-in-chief in anxious 
tones asked Mr. Lacy about the sufferer's condi- 
tion. When told that the physicians expressed 
little hope, Lee said : ' ' Surely General Jackson 
must recover. God will not take him from us, now 
that we need him so much. Surely, he will be 
spared to us, in answer to the many prayers which 
are offered for him." A few moments later he said 
to the chaplain, " When you return, I trust you will 
find him better. When a suitable occasion offers, 
give him my love, and tell him that I wrestled in 
prayer for him last night, as I never prayed, I be- 
lieve, for myself.'' With these words Lee turned 
quickly away to hide his strong emotion. 

Jackson's life was ebbing fast, but he was not yet 
conscious of his own condition. On the other hand, 
he continued to express the belief that God still 
had work for him to do, and would raise him up to 
do it. ' At eleven o'clock, Sunday morning, Mrs. 
Jackson knelt by his side and told him that before 
the close of the day he would be in heaven. ''You 
are frightened, my child," he replied, ''death is 
not so near ; I may yet get well." ' With an out- 

* Dr. Hunter McGnire's account of Jackson's last hours. 



362 STONEWALL JACKSON 

burst of bitter tears she fell upon the bed and again 
told him that there was no hope. A brief pause fol- 
lowed and then he requested her to call Doctor Mc- 
Guire. ^'Doctor,^^ he said, ''Anna tells me lam 
to die to-day; is it so?'^ After hearing the re- 
sponse, he remained silent for a little while and then 
very quietly replied, ' ' Very good, very good ; it is 
all right." 

Shortly after noon, Major Pendleton entered the 
room. ''Who is preaching at headquarters to- 
day?" inquired Jackson. When he was told that 
Mr. Lacy was preaching and that the entire army 
was praying for him, he said, ''Thank God; they 
are very kind to me." 

The general's strength was now waning rapidly 
and his mind began to wander. When his baby 
was brought to him, his face brightened with a 
smile. A moment afterward, however, he was on 
the battle-field, giving orders to his soldiers ; again 
he was in his old home in the Valley of Virginia ; 
again he seemed to be taking i)art in a i^rayer-meet- 
ing in camp. At half- past one the doctors told him 
that he had only two hours to live. With a voice 
that was feeble, but firm, he replied once more, 
"Very good; it is all right." He preferred, he 
said to his wife, to die on Sunday. After lying for 
a time in a state of unconsciousness, he suddenly 
cried out : " Order A. P. Hill to prepare for ac- 
tion ! Pass the infantry to the front ! Tell Major 

Hawks " Then he stopped and remained silent 

for several moments. A little later in quiet, clear 
tones, he said, ' ' Let us cross over the river, and rest 



DEATH OF JACKSON 363 

under the shade of the trees.-' The cry of anguish 
that burst from the lips of his wife had power even 
now to recall his spirit from the very gate of 
Heaven. He opened his eyes, and gazing into her 
fiice with a long look of intelligence and love, closed 
them again, and the soul of the great leader went 
to dwell forever in the presence of his God. 

Embalmed by the tears of all the people of the 
South, Stonewall Jackson was borne to his resting- 
place. Thousands of men, women and children 
lined the streets of Eichmond as his body was car- 
ried to the Capitol. President Davis sent a beau- 
tiful flag as the gift of the Southern Confederacy to 
be used as a winding-sheet. Just in front of the 
speaker's desk in the hall of the House of Eepre- 
sentatives the casket was placed. An eye-witness 
tells us that the face of the hero was in perfect re- 
pose. The flush of fever had passed away ; the 
broad, high forehead was smooth and white, the 
cheeks thin, and bronzed by sun and breeze, the 
mouth firmly closed. Moreover, an expression of 
shining quietude shed a radiance over the counte- 
nance. Throughout the day the multitudes streamed 
through the room to look for a moment upon the 
face of their dead. The dignitaries of the Confed- 
erate and state governments were all present to 
mingle their tears with those of ragged veterans and 
mourning citizens. Then the Virginia women 
brought gifts of flowers and piled them high above 
the bier. 

From Eichmond his remains were taken to Lex- 
ington. For one night he lay in his old lecture- 



364 STONEWALL JACKSON 

room at the Military Institute. Then in solemn 
state the body was borne to the church where he had 
so often taken part in public worship. He was 
buried on the hilltop, as he had wished, in the 
midst of the beautiful Valley of Virginia. 

When the news was carried to the people that 
Jackson was dead, a great wave of sorrow passed 
over all the land from Maryland and Virginia to 
Texas. Multitudes mourned him as the chief pillar 
of their hope. A profound and universal grief 
throbbed in the hearts of all the people. ^^ Women 
who had never known him,'^ says Dabney, ^'save 
by the fame of his virtues and exploits, wept for 
him as passionately as for a brother. The faces of 
the men were filled with dismay when they heard 
that the tower of their strength was fallen." Their 
presages were more than correct, for the Army of 
Northern Virginia never again won victories like 
those that were gained during the period that Jack- 
son constituted Lee's right arm. 

And what shall we say concerning the genius of 
Stonewall Jackson and the relative rank that he 
should hold among great military commanders? 
Only this that " during the whole of the two years 
he held command he never committed a single er- 
ror.'^ 1 Tj^ig ig ^i^Q mature opinion of Jackson's 
English biographer, Colonel Henderson. Hender- 
son says further: ^^He saw into the heart of 
things, both human and divine, far deeper than 
most men. . . . The few maxims which fell from 
his lips are almost a complete summary of the art of 
* Henderson's Jackson, Vol. II, p. 486. 



DEATH OF JACKSON 365 

war. Neither Frederick, nor Wellington, nor Na- 
poleon, realized more deeply the simple truths, 
which ever since men first took up arms have been 
the elements of success ; and not Hampden himself 
beheld with clearer insight the duties and obliga- 
tions which devolve on those who love their country- 
well, but freedom more.'^ ' With these words we 
may be content to leave Jackson in his place of 
honor among the great captains of all time. 

* Henderson's Jackson, Vol. II, pp. 496-497. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General A ccounts : 
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 
CoMTE DE Paris. History of the Civil War in America. 

Davis, Jefferson. The Rise and Fall of the Confederate 
Government. 

Greeley, Horace. American Conflict. 

Pollard, E. A. A Southern History of the War. 

Powell, William H. The Fifth Army Corps (Federal). 

Rhodes, James Ford. History of the United States from 

the Compromise of 1850. 
Ropes, John C. Story of the Civil War. 
ScHOULER, James. History of the United States. 

Stephens, Alexander H. A Constitutional View of the 
Late War Between the States. 

Swinton, William. Campaipns of the Army of the Po- 
tomac. 

Walker, Francis A. History t' the Second Army Corps 
(Federal). 

Accounts of Campaigns : 
Allan, William. Jackson's Valley Campaign. 
Beauregard, G. T. Campaign and Battle of Manassas. 
Dodge, Theodore A, Chancelloraville. 
DouBLEDAY, A. Chancellorsville and Gettysburg. 

Gordon, George H. Brook Farm to Cedar Mountain. 
The Army of Virginia under General Pope. 

Hamlin, A. C. Chancellorsville. 

Moore, E. A. Story of a Cannoneer under Stonewall 
Jackson. 



BIBLIOGBAPHY 367 

Palfrey, F. W. The Antietam and Fredericksburg. 

Ripley, R. S. History of the War in Mexico. 

Ropes, John C. The Army under Pope. 

Webb, A. S. The Peninsula : McClellan's Campaign of 1862. 

Wilcox, Cadmus M. The Mexican War. 

Biographies : 
Allan, Elizabeth Peeston. Life and Letters of Mar- 
garet Preston Junkin. 

Cooke, John Esten. Stonewall Jackson, A Military Biog- 
raphy. 

Dabney, Robert L. Life and Campaigns of Lieutenant- 
General Thomas J. Jackson. 

Henderson, G. F. R. Life of Stonewall Jackson. 

Hughes, Robert M. Life of Joseph E. Johnston. 

Hapgood, Norman. Abraham Lincoln. 

Jackson, Mary Anna. Life and Letters of General Thomas 

J. Jackson, by his wife. 
Johnson, Thomas C. Life of Robert L. Dabney. 

McClelland, H. B. Life of J. E. B. Stuart. 

Morse, John T. Abraham Lincoln. 

NicoLAY AND Hay. Abraham Lincoln. 

Roman, Alfred. Military Operations of General Beaure- 
gard. 

Tarbell, Ida. Abraham Lincoln. 

WHiTEy Henry Alexander. Life of Robert E. Lee. 

Also, biographies of Jefferson Davis, Stephens, Toombs and 
others, with the Autobiography of O. O. Howard. 

Documents : 
Massachusetts Military Historical Society Papers. (10 
vols. ) 

Official Records of the War. 

Report of Committee on the Conduct of the War. 

Southern Historical Society Papers. 



368 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Memoirs : 
Alexander, E. P. Military Memoirs of a Confederate. 
GoEDON, J. B. Reminiscences. 
Grant, U. S. Personal Memoirs. 

Jackson, Mrs. Mary Anna. Memoirs of Stonewall 
Jackson. 

Hood, John B. Advance and Retreat : Personal Experi- 
ences. 

Long, A. L. Memoirs of Robert E. Lee. 

LoNGSTREET, James. From Manassas to Appomattox. 

Maury, Dabney H. Recollections of a Virginian. 

McClellan, G. B. McClellan's Own Story. 

ScHURZ, Carl. Memoirs. 

Scott, Winfield. Memoirs. 

Sherman, William T. Memoirs. 

Taylor, Richard. Destruction and Reconstruction. 

Von Borcke, Heros. Memoirs of the Confederate War. 

Periodicals and Pamphlets : 
Articles in Harper^s Weekly, London Times, Richmond 
Times-Disjjatch. 

Papers by Doctor Hunter H. McGuire, and others. 



INDEX 



Alexander, General E. 

P., 213, 225, 267, 315. 
Allen, Colonel J. H., 77. 
Anderson, General R. H., 276, 

281, 288, 337, 339, 340, 

342, 347, 353. 
Antietam Creek, 280, 283, 

284, 286, 289, 290. 
Aquia Creek, 251. 
Archer, General, 290, 308, 313. 
Armistead, General L. A., 

233. 
Army of Northern Virginia, 

293. 
Army of the Potomac, 271, 

301, 318. 
Army of the Shenandoah, 77, 

98. 
Army of the Valley, 184, 200, 

203, 205, 212, 252, 257, 299. 
Army of Virginia, 237. 
Ashby, General Turner, 102, 

114, 117-119, 122, 127-128, 

130, 137, 153, 165-171, 184, 

189. 
Ashby's Gap, 84. 
Ashland, 205, 206, 208, 210. 

Bald Hill, 268, 270. 

Banks, General N. P., 103, 
105, 108, 115, 117, 123, 
127, 130, 137, 143, 145, 
159, 161, 185, 195, 196, 206, 
207, 240, 242-244, 263, 267. 

Barksdale, General, 306, 307. 

Barringer, General Rufus, 55. 

Bartonsville, 155. 

Bartow, General, 85-88, 91. 



Beauregard, General P. G. T., 

82, 83, 85, 89, 91. 
Beaver Dam Creek, 209, 212. 
Bee, Barnard E., 85-88, 91, 96. 
Belen Gate, 43. 
Benjamin, J. P., 109. 
Berryville, 160, 162. 
Betbesda Church, 215. 
Blackford, Major, 349. 
Blenker, General, 125, 133, 

172, 175. 
Bloody Lane, 289. 
Bolivar Heights, 277, 278. 
Bonham, General M. L., 86, 

88, 91. 
Boonsboro, 276, 279. 
Boswell, Captain, 253, 344, 

358. 
Boteler, Colonel A. R., 110, 

128, 163, 197, 236, 273, 316, 

317, 333. 
Boyd, Belle, 149. 
Branch, General, 209, 211, 

263, 265, 290. 
Brandy Station, 248. 
Bristoe Station, 255-257. 
Brown, Colonel, 294. 
Brown, John, 60. 
Brown's Gap, 135, 200. 
Buena Vista, 35, 36. 
Bull Pasture Mountain, 138, 

139. 
Bull Run (Manassas, first bat- 
tle of), 82-98. 
Bull Run (Manassas, second 

battle of), 261-272. 
Bull Run Mountains, 252, 

258, 261, 



370 



INDEX 



Barks, Colonel, 118. 
Buruside, General, 283, 289, 

290, 302, 305-307, 310, 311, 

314, 316, 318. 

Campbell, Colonel, 138, 

146, 158. 
Carpenter, Captain, 118. 
Carroll, General, 171, 172. 
Catherine Furnace, 344-348. 
^Catlett's Station, 250. 
Cedar Run, 236 et seq., 241, 

242, 244-247, 250, 285. 
Centerville, 82, 83, 85, 86, 

92, 93, 95, 104, 113, 258, 

259, 260, 263, 270, 271. 
Cerro Gordo, 36, 37. 
Chambersburg, 78, 301. 
Chancellorsville, 337-353. 
Chantilly, 271, 273. 
Chaplains, 321 et seq. 
Chapultepec, 40-43. 
Charlestown, 83, 162. 
Charlottesville, 136, 202, 203, 

207, 239. 
Chickahominy, 197, 198, 199, 

207-222. 
Clarksburg, 15, 17, 19, 26, 104. 
Clark's Mountain, 247, 249. 
Cobb, General T. R. R., 314. 
Cold Harbor, 209. 
Colston, General R., 338, 347, 

349, 350-351, 353. 
Congress, Confederate, 129 

130, 333. 
Congress, Federal, 17, 26. 
Connor, Colonel, 163. 
Conrad's Store, 167, 168, 183, 
Cooke, John Esten, 320. 
Contreras, 38-40, 43. 
Corps, First, 293, 305, 337. 
Corps, Second, 293, 338, 347, 

352, 355, 356. 
Couch, General, 346. 
Crampton's Gap, 280. 
Cross Keys, 167-177, 195, 198, 



Crutchfield, Colonel, 351. 
Culpeper, 203, 240, 241, 244, 

247, 302, 338. 
Cummings, Colonel A. C, 77, 

90. 

Dabney, Dr. R. L., 16-18, 
25, 62, 112, 128, 129, 135, 
136, 156, 174, 181, 184, 190, 
192-194, 202, 210, 218 et 
seq., 234, 237, 310, 322, 
323, 330, 340, 364. 

Davis, Jefferson, 69, 77, 83, 
100, 234, 237, 281, 293, 305, 
363. 

Deep Run, 308, 339. 

Doubleday, General A., 206, 
313. 

Dowdall's Tavern, 348, 350. 

Dunkard Church, 282, 284, 
286, 288, 290. 

Early, General Jubal, 
242, 250, 251, 265, 285-287, 
291, 293, 305-308, 313, 314, 
338, 340, 342, 354. 

East Wood, 284, 287, 288. 

Echols, General John, 77. 

Elzey, General, 92, 159. 

Emancipation Proclamation, 
293. 

Evans, General N. G., 85, 86, 
87, 88. 

Evelington Heights, 234, 235. 

Ewell, General R. S., 131, 
133, 134, 143, 145, 159, 162, 
175, 176, 181, 188, 190, 196, 
199, 201, 206, 217 et seq., 
237, 241, 243, 252. 255-260, 
262, 268, 283. 

Fairfax Court House, 271. 
Falling Waters, 79, 80. 
Faulkner, Colonel Charles, 

319. 
Federal Constitution, 17, 66, 

67, 70. 



INDEX 



371 



Field, General, 263, 265. 
First Artillery, 33, 35, 37. 
First Brigade, 87, 98. 
First Corps, 293, 305, 337. 
Fisher's Gap, 305. 
Flournoy, Colouel, 150, 151. 
Forno, General, 264. 
Fort Hamilton, 45. 46. 
Fort Meade, 47. 
Fortress Mouroe, 117, 125, 

126, 216, 224. 

Franklin, General W. B., 133, 
139, 141, 149, 162, 195, 226 
etseq., 270, 280, 283, 287, 
288, 310, 311, 314, 315, 318, 
359. 

Frazier's Farm, 223, 226 et seq. 

Frederick City, 103, 105, 274, 
275, 279. 

Fredericksburg, 144, 149,166, 

206, 237, 240, 248, 257, 301, 
302, 305, 314, 318, 319, 336- 
340, 342, 344. 

Fremont, General, 126, 132, 
133, 143, 161-163, 165, 167, 
173, 175, 176, 185, 199, 206, 

207, 237, 244, 262. 
French, General, 288. 
Front Royal, 148, 150, 151, 

152, 163, 166. 
Fuikerson, Colonel, 118, 119. 

Gaixes' Mill, 213-221, 223, 

224. 
Gainesville, 251, 254, 255, 

259, 261, 263, 265. 
Garuett, General Richard B., 

105, 115, 121, 124, 241, 242. 
Garnett, General R. S., 82. 
Geary, General, 149. 
Georgia, 263, 289, 314, 315. 
Germans, 78, 172, 175, 262. 
Gettysburg, 124, 338. 
Gibbon, General John, 44, 

313. 
Gordon, General G. H., 114, 

127, 155, 159. 



Gordon, General J. B., 341. 
Gordonsville, 131, 145, 201, 

202, 203, 237, 239. 
Grafton, 103, 107. 
Graham, Doctor J. R., 101, 

HI, 115, 116. 
Graham, Mrs. J. R., 303, 

304. 
Graham, General Joseph, 54. 
Graham, Mary, 54. 
Graham, Hon. William A., 

55. 
Greene, General, 286. 
Gregg, General, 262, 263-265, 

269, 289, 299, 308, 313, 317, 

343. 
Grigsby, Colonel, 142, 285. 
Grover, General, 264. 
Groveton, 247, 258, 259-263, ^ 

265, 268, 269. 
Guiney's Station, 305, 357, 

359. 

Hagerstown, 276, 279. 
Hall town, 162, 277. 
Hampton, General Wade, 85, 

87, 88, 91, 267, 318. 
Hancock, 105, 106, 108. 
Harper, Colouel Kenton, 77. 
Harper's Ferry, 60, 72-81, 97, 

161-163, 169, 196, 273, 275, 

276, 277, 279,280,281,284, 

286, 303. 
Harrisonburg, 130, 132, 134, 

137, 143, 152, 167, 168, 184, 

201. 
Harrison's Landing, 216, 236. 
Haskell, Colonel A. C, 343, 

344. 
Hatch, General, 268, 269. 
Hawks, Major A. W., 122, 

362. 
Hays, Hon. S., 25, 26. 
Hazel Grove, 346, 353. 
Heintzelman, General, 86. 
Henderson, Colonel G. F. R., 

185, 330, 334, 364. 



372 



INDEX 



Henry Hill, 87, 89, 91, 92, 95, 
262, 270. 

Henry House, 88, 91. 

Hill, General A. P., 28, 204, 
209, 212, 217 et seq., 226, 
239, 241, 243, 252, 255, 259, 

262, 264, 265, 269, 270, 271, 
278, 281, 289, 291, 292, 305, 
307, 308, 314, 338, 347, 349, 
351-353, 355, 362. 

Hill, General D. H., 34, 47, 
55, 113, 204, 209, 212, 217 
et seq., 229 et seq., 266, 
274, 279, 280, 283, 285, 288, 
289, 293, 305, 306, 337, 338, 
347. 

Holmes, General, 210, 226, 
227, 230, 232. 

Hood, General J. B., 202,203, 
219, 220, 265, 267, 282, 284, 
285, 337. 

Hooker, General J., 233, 256, 

263, 269, 282-318, 336-338, 
340-343, 346-348, 350, 353, 
354, 356. 

Hotchkiss, Major, 186, 338, 

346, 347. 
Howard, General O. O., 92, 

346, 348, 349. 
Huger, General, 210, 221,224, 

227, 229, 230, 233. 
Hundley's Corner, 212, 213. 
Hunt, General, 233. 

Imboden, General J. D., 
87-89, 95, 177, 178, 200. 

Institute, Virginia Military, 
46-62, 68, 72, 364. 

Jackson, Andrew, 15, 16, 

17. 
Jackson, Cummins (uncle of 

Stonewall Jackson), 20, 21, 

23. 
Jackson, Edward, 18, 19. 
Jackson, Elizabeth Cummins, 

16. 



Jackson, George, 17, 19. 

Jackson, John, 16-18. 

Jackson, John G., 16-18. 

Jackson, Jonathan, 18, 19. 

Jackson, Julia Neale (mother 
of Stonewall Jackson), 19, 
20. 

Jackson, Julia (daughter of 
Stonewall Jackson), 331, 
332, 334, 335, 360. 

Jackson, Mary Anna (wife of 
Stonewall Jackson), 93, 94, 
96, 97, 100-102, 112, 124, 
303, 332-335, 360-362. 

Jackson, Thomas Jonathan 
(Stonewall), ancestors, 15- 
18; father and mother, 19- 
20 ; finds home with uncle, 
21 ; character as a young 
man, 21-23, 28; goes to 
West Point, 24-27; steady 
progress as student, 29-33 ; 
lieutenant in First Artil- 
lery, 34-37; lieutenant in 
Magruder's battery, 37-40 ; 
gallantry at Chapultepec, 
41-44 ; experiences in City 
of Mexico, 44-46 ; baptized 
by Episcopal clergyman, 45, 
46 ; appointed professor in 
Virginia Military Institute, 
47 ; lack of skill as teacher, 
47, 48 ; becomes member of 
Presbyterian church, 49 ; 
first marriage, 49-51 ; sec- 
ond marriage, 54, 55 ; es- 
tablishes his home, 55 ; do- 
mestic traits and habits, 56- 
58 ; establishes Sunday- 
school for negroes, 59; 
development of religious 
character, 59-60; travels at 
home and abroad, 53, 60; 
views about slavery, 61 ; 
strong intellectual qualities, 
61, 62; political views, 63- 
71 ; appointed colonel of 



INDEX 



373 



volunteers, 73; appearance 
as commander at Harper's 
Ferry, 74; early military 
plans, 76, 77 ; commander 
of First Brigade, 77; skir- 
mish at Falling Waters, 79; 
appointed brigadier, 80 ; 
Manassas, 83-91 ; origin of 
name "Stonewall," 87, 88; 
official report of battle, 94, 
95; ideas about best mode 
of managing a battle, 96 ; 
is appointed major-general, 
97 ; commander at Winches- 
ter, 98; -wishes to invade 
the North, 99, 100; home- 
life in Winchester, 100, 101, 
111, 112; marches to Rom- 
ney, 105 ; plan of campaign, 
107 ; receives Secretary Ben- 
jamin's communication and 
at once resigns command, 
109, 110 ; withdraws resig- 
nation, 111 ; first and only 
council of war, 115, 116, 
117 ; evacuates Winchester, 
117; attacks enemy at 
Kernstown, 118-122 ; ar- 
rests Garnett for conduct in 
battle, 124 ; thwarts Mc- 
Clellan's campaign, 126 ; 
desires to hold the Valley, 
128 ; selects Doctor Dabuey 
as adjutant, 128, 129; 
strategy against Banks, 131, 
132; strikes Milroy at Mc- 
Dowell, 138-141 ; deals with 
mutiny, 142; plans attack 
agdinst Banks, 145 ; strikes 
Front Royal, 149, 150 ; leads 
cavalry charge, 150, 151 ; 
strikes Banks at Middle- 
town, 153 ; defeats Banks 
at Winchester, 158-160 ; 
threatens Washington, 162- 
164; escapes from Lower 
Valley, 165, 166 ; grief over 



death of Ashby, 170, 171 ; 
his coolness at Port Repub- 
lic, 174; allows Ewell to 
manage battle at Cross 
Keys, 176 ; attacks Shields, 
178, 179; how the victory 
again thwarts McClellan's 
plans, 184 ; the Army of the 
Valley worships together, 
184, 185 ; Jackson's fame as 
a leader, 185-190 ; habits in 
camp, 189, 190 ; his piety, 
191 ; strategical ideas, 197; 
secrecy of march to Rich- 
mond, 202-207; first meet- 
ing between Lee and Jack- 
son, 204; preparation for 
Seven Days' Battles, 210; 
Lee explains plan of attack 
at Gaines' Mill, 214; sends 
divisions directly against 
Porter, 217, 218; enthusi- 
asm of Jackson's men in 
making charge, 219-221 ; 
captures prisoners himself, 
222 ; attempts to cross 
White Oak Swamp, 227- 
229; advises flank move- 
ment at Malvern Hill, 232 ; 
present at interview be- 
tween Lee and Davis, 234; 
growth of his fame, 235; 
advises invasion of Mary- 
land, 236, 237 ; strategy 
against Pope, 239, 240; 
reticent about plans of cam- 
paign, 241 ; under fire at 
Cedar Run, 243 ; urges Lee 
to make immediate advance 
against Pope, 248, 249; 
holds council with Lee on 
Rappahannock, 251, 252 ; 
marches to Manassas, 252- 
257; begins fighting at 
Groveton, 259 ; fights sec- 
ond battle of Manassas, 261- 
272 ; leads advance into 



374 



IISTDEX 



Maryland, 273 ; accepts 
task of capturing Harper's 
Ferry, 276; arrives at 
Sharpsburg, 281 ; repulses 
Hooker's attack, 284, 285 ; 
cuts Mansfield's corps to 
pieces, 285, 286 ; prepares 
trap for Sumner, 287 ; plans 
to drive McClellau into Po- 
tomac, 290 ; repulses enemy 
at Shepherdstown, 292 ; ap- 
pointed lieutenant-general, 
293; admiration of soldiers 
for him, 294-295 ; receives 
a gift from Stuart, 296-297 ; 
receives English visitors, 
298 ; charges made against 
him by Gregg, 299 ; cele- 
brated in verse, 299-300; 
last visit to Winchester, 
303, 304 ; arrives at Fred- 
ericksburg, 306 ; drives 
enemy back, 314; plans 
night attack, 316 ; parting 
intervievr with General 
Gregg, 317 ; in camp at 
Moss Neck, 319 ; prepares 
military reports, 319, 320 ; 
looks after religious welfare 
of soldiers, 321-324 ; social 
qualities, 326--331 ; inter- 
ested in governmental and 
economic affairs of South, 
333-334 ; sends for wife and 
child, 334, 335; prepares to 
meet Hooker, 336 ; assigned 
to command forces at Chan- 
cellorsville, 342 ; drives 
Hooker back, 343, 344; 
conference with Lee, 344, 
345 ; completion of the plan 
to make flank attack, 346, 
347; routs Hooker's right 
wing, 350 ; stricken by fire 
of his own men, 351; last 
order on field of battle, 
352; sanguine that he will 



recover, 355, 356; removed 
to Guiney's Station, 357; 
commends ofiicers and sol- 
diers, 357, 358; pneumonia 
develops, 359; readiness to 
die, 362 ; death, 362, 363 ; 
borne to the place of rest, 
363-364 ; rank among mili- 
tary leaders, 364, 365. 

Jackson, Warren, 20, 21. 

Jackson, William L., 18. 

James River, 125, 144, 196, 
216, 224. 

Johnson, General Edward, 
103, 132, 134, 136, 138. 

Johnston, General A. S., 144. 

Johnston, General Joseph E., 
77, 79, 80, 83, 85, 89, 99, 
103, 104,110, 113, 131, 136, 
143, 145, 196, 

Jones, General J. R., 284, 
285. 

Junkin, Eleanor, 49-52, 55. 

Junkin, Doctor George, 49, 
51, 52. 

Junkin, Margaret, 49, 52. 

Kearney, General, 263, 

264, 269, 271. 
Kelly's Ford, 249, 338. 
Kenly, Colonel, 149, 150, 152, 

153. 
Kernstown, 113, 117-119, 

122, 125, 126, 155, 194, 

304. 
Kershaw, General J. B., 315. 
King, General, 259, 260, 266. 

Lacy, Rev. B. T., 322, 323, 
325, 346, 355, 360-362. 

Lane, General, 295-296, 308, 
313, 351. 

Lawley, Francis, 329. 

Lawton, General A. R., 198, 
199, 201, 202, 217 et seq., 
262, 264, 268, 269, 271,283, 
285. 



INDEX 



375 



Lee, General Fitzhngh, 248, 
284. 

Lee, General R. E., 36, 38, 
76, 77, 80, 110, 134, 144, 
196, 204, 205, 210, 212, 216, 
223 et seq.^ 236, 239, 245, 
248,249, 251, 252, 261, 266, 
275, 279, 280, 281, 290, 291, 
302, 307, 315, 316, 319, 323, 
329, 330, 337, 338, 340, 347, 
353, 354, 359. 

Lee, General S. D., 266, 268. 

Leesburg, 113, 274, 275. 

Letcher, Governor John, 72, 
110, 111. 

Lewis's Ford, 270. 

Lewis House, 179, 182. 

Lexington, 48, 49, 55, 68, 77, 
363. 

Lincoln, Abraham, 65-70, 
74, 125, 126, 246, 293, 301. 

Locustdale Ford, 241. 

Longstreet, General James, 83, 
204, 209, 212, 213, 215, 216 
et seq., 226, 230, 247-252, 
259, 261, 263, 265, 269, 270, 

275, 280, 281, 283, 289, 293, 
302, 305, 310, 337, 347. 

Loring, General W. W., 103, 

104, 108, 109, 119. 
Loudoun Heights, 75, 162, 

276, 277. 

Louisiana Brigade, 146-148, 
150, 153-162, 178-182, 195, 
264. 

Luray, 132, 148, 167, 171. 

Luray Valley, 132, 148. 



Madison Court-House, 247, 

304. 
Magruder, General J. B., 37- 

43, 210, 221, 224, 230. 
Malvern Hill, 223, 231 et seq., 

239. 
Manassas, first battle of, 82- 

98, 196. 



Manassas, second battle of, 

261-271. 
Manassas Gap, 92. 
Manassas Junction, 82-84, 86, 

93, 99, 102, 104, 117,255- 

258, 260-263, 265-267, 275, 

303. 
Mansfield, General, 282, 283, 

285, 286. 
Martinsburg, 79, 80, 83, 160, 

166, 275-277. 
Marye's Hill, 310, 314, 315, 

354. 
Maryland, 16, 164, 236, 273, 

274, 281, 291, 292, 303. 
Maryland Heights, 75, 196, 

276, 277. 
Massauuttons, 131, 132, 167, 

171, 304. 
Massaponax, 308. 
Matamoras, 34. 
Matthews Hill, 270. 
Maury, General D. H., 28, 31. 
McClellan, General George B., 

78, 82, 99, 104, 113, 117, 

144, 164, 185, 196, 199, 202, 

205, 207, 208, 223 et seq., 

236, 246, 247, 257, 267, 

271, 279, 280, 282, 283, 288, 

290, 291, 299, 301-303. 
McDowell, 127-143, 319. 
McDowell, General Irwin, 82- 

98 , 125, 126, 144, 184, 185, 

197, 207, 208, 237, 239, 259, 

263. 
MoGuire, Doctor H., 116, 230, 

266, 290, 317, 332, 352, 358, 

359. 
McLaughlin, William, 102, 

118. 
McLaws, General L., 266, 

276, 277, 280, 281, 287, 290, 

337, 340, 345, 347, 353. 
Meade. General, 311-314, 346. 
Meadow Bridge, 209, 212, 

213. 
Mechanicsville, 209, 212, 213. 



376 



INDEX 



Mechnm's River, 136, 202. 
Mexico, City of, 35, 37, 38, 

42, 44. 
Middletown (Maryland), 276. 
Middletown (Virginia), 153, 

170. 
Milroy, General, 133, 137- 

142, 262. 
Mississippi Riflemen, 306, 307. 
Moliuo del Rey, 40, 41. 
Monongahela River, 18, 103, 

104. 
Montezuma, 40. 
Morrison, Mary Anna, 54, 55. 
Morrison, Joseph, 360. 
Morrison, Doctor R. H., 54, 

55. 
Moss Neck, 319, 325, 326, 334. 
Mount Jackson, 115, 117, 127, 

168. 
Mount Meridian, 184. 
Mount Sidney, 201. 
Mount Solon, 145, 146. 
Munford, General T. T., 183, 

189, 199, 201, 227 et seq., 

254, 255, 270, 280. 

Napoleon, 54, 129, 185, 186, 

187, 207, 334, 365. 
Neale, Julia Beckwith (mother 

of Stonewall Jackson), 19, 

20. 
New Bridge, 209, 226. 
New Cold Harbor, 214, 215. 
New Market, 132, 134, 146, 

167, 172, 199. 
New Orleans, 15, 144, 315. 
Newtown, 153, 155, 164. 
Norfolk, 144. 

North Anna River, 305, 306. 
North River, 172, 183. 

Old Cold Harbor, 214, 215, 

216. 
Orange Court-House, 113, 240, 

2^7, 302, 305. 



Ord, General, 184. 
Orr's Rifles, 343. 
Ox Hill, 271, 273. 

Palfrey, General, 292. 
Palmetto Regiment, 43. 
Palo Alto, 34. 
Patterson, General R., 78, 79, 

81 83 84 
Patton, Colonel, 177, 182. 
Pedrigal, 38, 39. 
Pelham, Major John, 308, 

311, 312. 
Pender, General, 264, 352. 
Pendleton, Colonel A. S., 296, 

352, 362. 
Pendleton, General W. N., 

77, 232, 291. 
Peninsula, 143, 144, 216, 224. 
Pickett, General George E., 

28, 337. 
Piedmont, 84, 85. 
Pillow, General Gideon J.. 

38-44. 
Piper House, 288. 
Pisgah Church, 247. 
Point Isabel, 34. 
Polk, J. K., 54. 
Pope, General John, 237, 238, 

240, 244-250, 252, 254, 255- 

258, 263, 265, 267, 268, 

272. 
Porter, General F., 263, 265, 

268, 269. 
Port Republic, 135, 167, 170, 

171, 176-183, 190, 197, 198, 

200, 206, 305, 306. 
Port Royal, 311, 319. 
Potomac River, 16, 27, 78, 79, 

92, 99, 100, 105, 145, 196, 

273-277, 279, 284, 290, 291, 

301, 338. 
Preston, Colonel James F., 77. 
Preston, Mrs. M. J., 49-53, 

59. 
Prospect Hill, 308, 311, 312, 

313. 



INDEX 



377 



Eansom, General M., 315. 
Kappahannock River, 137, 

240, 249-252, 257, 2(jl, 267, 

302, 319. 
Reuo, General, 263. 
Reynolds, General J., 260, 

262, 268, 270, 346. 
Richardson, General, 288. 
Richmond, 17, 72, 73, 103, 

126, 185, 196, 197, 204, 205, 

206, 239, 251, 273, 363. 
Ricketts, General, 184, 240, 

261, 268, 269. 
Robinson House, 86. 
Rockbridge Artillery, 102. 
Romney, 99, 103, 104, 105, 

106, 108, 111, 119, 133. 
Rosecrans. W. S., 103. 
Roulette Farm, 288. 

Salem, 253, 254. 

San Antonio, 38. 

San Augustin, 38. 

Santa Anna, General, 35, 36, 40. 

Savage Station, 225, 227. 

Schenck, General, 127, 138, 

139. 
Schurz, General, 262, 350. 
Scott, Colonel, 158. 
Scott, Win field, 34-44. 
Secession, 65, 68, 69, 70, 72. 
Second Corps, 98, 310, 315, 

323, 324, 328. 
Sedgwick, General J., 286, 

340, 354. 
Seven Days' Battles, 223-235, 

239. 
Seven Pines, 197. 
Sbarpsburg, 276, 279, 280, 

281, 283, 289, 291-293,301. 
Shenandoah River, 84, 125, 

135, 150, 168, 171, 277, 278. 
Shepherdstown, 275, 292. 
Shields, General J., 117,149, 

167, 171-184, 199, 206. 
Sigel, General, 245, 260, 262, 

263. 



Sitlington's Hill, 138, 139. 

Skinker's Neck, 305, 306. 

Slash Church, 208, 209. 

Slaughter Mountain, 241. 

Slavery, 63-65, 71. 

Slocum, General, 346. 

Smith, General K., 85, 92. 

Somerville Ford, 247. 

South Mountain, 276, 279, 
280, 299. 

Southern Confederacy, 68, 71. 

Starke, General, 262, 285. 

Staunton, 73, 103, 134, 136, 
194, 201. 

Stevens, General, 269, 271. 

Stewart, General G. H., 146, 
153, 160. 

Stone Bridge, 85, 86, 259, 
263, 267, 270. 

Stoneman, General, 341, 342. 

Stonewall Brigade, 95, 97, 
102, 105, 108, 115, 119, 121, 
124, 138, 142, 154, 163-165, 
178, 180, 243, 245, 253, 349, 
356. 

Stonewall Division, 243, 258, 
268. 

"Stonewall," origin of name, 
87, 88. 

Strasburg, 77, 117, 143, 149, 
164, 165, 168, 195, 303. 

Stuart, General J. E. B., 79, 
83-85, 88, 90, 92, 208, 210, 
222 et seq., 239, 245, 247, 
248, 250, 254, 255, 279, 290, 
291, 296, 297, 301, 305, 306, 
308, 309, 313, 318, 330, 331, 
338, 339, 342, 343, 345, 352, 
353. 

Sudley Springs, 259, 261, 262. 

Sulphur Springs, 249, 251. 

Sumner, General, 270, 283, 
286, 287, 288, 310. 

Swift Run Gap, 130, 134, 135, 
145. 

Sykes, General, 218 et seq.^ 
269, 270. 



378 



INDEX 



Tabernacle Church, 340, 

342. 
Talcot, Colonel, 344. 
Taliaferro, General W. B., 

138, 140, 146, 158, 174, 182, 

184,242,243, 252, 255, 258- 

260, 262, 305, 308, 313. 
Taylor, Frank, 45. 
Taylor, Richard, 146-148, 

150, 156, 158, 162, 165, 

176, 178-182, 195. 
Taylor, Zachary, 34. 
Texans, 219, 220. 
Thomas, General, 262, 263, 

265, 308. 
Thoroughfare Gap, 252, 254, 

259, 261, 267. 
Trimble, Generall., 146, 175, 

176, 177, 182, 255. 
Turner's Gap, 279, 280. 
Turnley, P. T., 31. 
Tyler, General, 86, 179-183. 

Ulster, 15, 16, 17. 
United States Military Acad- 
emy, 25. 

Vera Cruz, 34, 35, 36. 

Virginia Convention, 70, 72. 

Virginia Military Institute, 
47-62, 68, 110, 138, 364. 

Virginia, Valley of, 48, 77, 
83. 103, 144, 169, 185, 186, 
196, 198, 199, 201, 362. 

Von Borcke, H., 296, 297. 

Walker, General J., 266, 



276, 277, 281, 283, 286-288, 

299. 
Walnut Grove Church, 214- 

216. 
Warrenton, 134, 250, 251, 

257, 259, 260, 266. 
Washington Artillery, 315. 
Washington, City of, 26, 27, 

43, 55, 66, 67, 92, 99, 236- 

238, 246, 249, 251, 257, 267, 

272, 275, 279. 
West Wood, 284-287. 
White House, in Virginia, 

144, 216, 223, 226. 
White Oak Bridge, 226 et seq. 
White Oak Swamp, 224 et seq. 
Whiting, General, 198-202, 

210, 217 et seq., 229 et seq. 
Williamsport, 78, 163, 276. 
Winchester, 76, 78-80, 83, 98, 

100, 103-106, 109, 115, 125, 

144, 303. 
Winder, General C. S., 138, 

146, 158, 165, 179-182, 217 

et seq., 237, 241-243, 246. 
Wolseley, Lord, 298. 
Woodson, Captain, 19. 
Woodstock, 123, 127, 165, 

167, 195. 
Worth, William J., 37, 38, 

40, 42, 44. 
Wright, General, 229. 
Wyndham, Colonel Percy, 

168. 

Yerby's House, 305. 
York River, 126, 143, 223. 



tA 



1 



DEC -1 la^-^ 



I 



I 



